{"title":"匈牙利语外来词的改编:拉丁和斯拉夫语源材料中意想不到的元音和谐","authors":"A. Hyllested","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2017.1341811","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In a 1992 article, Eugen Helimski showed that the accented vowel of Old and Middle High German, Medieval Latin and Pannonian Slavic lexemes governed whether they acquired front-vowel or back-vowel harmony when entering Hungarian as loanwords. While the German material appears exceptionless, some words of Slavic and Latin provenance exhibit unexpected back-vowel harmony. The present article submits that if a labial sound follows the originally accented vowel, front-vowel harmony is blocked. This conditioned rule applies without exception to both Slavic and Latin loanwords; it is thus an economical solution. It follows that variation in Slavic loanwords in Hungarian cannot serve as a testimony of Old Slavic accent shifts, but merely of the place of the original (pitch) accent; and that the Slavic language that provided loanwords to Medieval Hungarian must have been fairly uniform. As for Latin loanwords, it likewise renders an appeal to late accent shifts unnecessary. Helimski also discovered that a subset of Latin words containing a medial cluster *-CiV- could trigger front-vowel harmony even if the original accent fell on a back vowel. Here, I argue that the distribution of front and back vocalism in this type is further governed by the vowel of the initial syllable. This minor rule possibly applies to Slavic as well.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"1 1","pages":"1 - 11"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2017-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Loanword adaptation in Hungarian: unexpected vowel harmony in material of Latin and Slavic provenance\",\"authors\":\"A. Hyllested\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/03740463.2017.1341811\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Abstract In a 1992 article, Eugen Helimski showed that the accented vowel of Old and Middle High German, Medieval Latin and Pannonian Slavic lexemes governed whether they acquired front-vowel or back-vowel harmony when entering Hungarian as loanwords. While the German material appears exceptionless, some words of Slavic and Latin provenance exhibit unexpected back-vowel harmony. The present article submits that if a labial sound follows the originally accented vowel, front-vowel harmony is blocked. This conditioned rule applies without exception to both Slavic and Latin loanwords; it is thus an economical solution. It follows that variation in Slavic loanwords in Hungarian cannot serve as a testimony of Old Slavic accent shifts, but merely of the place of the original (pitch) accent; and that the Slavic language that provided loanwords to Medieval Hungarian must have been fairly uniform. As for Latin loanwords, it likewise renders an appeal to late accent shifts unnecessary. Helimski also discovered that a subset of Latin words containing a medial cluster *-CiV- could trigger front-vowel harmony even if the original accent fell on a back vowel. Here, I argue that the distribution of front and back vocalism in this type is further governed by the vowel of the initial syllable. This minor rule possibly applies to Slavic as well.\",\"PeriodicalId\":35105,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia\",\"volume\":\"1 1\",\"pages\":\"1 - 11\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2017-01-02\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"1\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2017.1341811\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q2\",\"JCRName\":\"Arts and Humanities\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2017.1341811","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"Arts and Humanities","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
摘要
Eugen Helimski在1992年的一篇文章中指出,古高地德语和中古高地德语、中世纪拉丁语和潘诺尼亚斯拉夫语词汇的重读元音决定了它们作为外来词进入匈牙利语时是否获得前元音或后元音的和谐。虽然德语材料似乎没有例外,但一些来自斯拉夫语和拉丁语的单词表现出意想不到的后元音和谐。本文认为,如果一个阴唇音跟在原来重读的元音后面,前元音的和谐就会被阻断。这条条件性规则毫无例外地适用于斯拉夫语和拉丁语的外来词;因此,这是一个经济的解决方案。由此可见,匈牙利语中斯拉夫外来词的变化不能作为古斯拉夫口音变化的证据,而仅仅是原始(音高)口音的位置;为中世纪匈牙利语提供外来词的斯拉夫语一定是相当统一的。至于拉丁外来词,它同样使得对后期重音变化的呼吁变得不必要。赫利姆斯基还发现,拉丁单词的一个子集包含一个中间音节*- civ -可以触发前元音和谐,即使原来的重音落在后元音上。在这里,我认为在这种类型中,前后元音的分布进一步受首音节元音的支配。这个小规则可能也适用于斯拉夫语。
Loanword adaptation in Hungarian: unexpected vowel harmony in material of Latin and Slavic provenance
Abstract In a 1992 article, Eugen Helimski showed that the accented vowel of Old and Middle High German, Medieval Latin and Pannonian Slavic lexemes governed whether they acquired front-vowel or back-vowel harmony when entering Hungarian as loanwords. While the German material appears exceptionless, some words of Slavic and Latin provenance exhibit unexpected back-vowel harmony. The present article submits that if a labial sound follows the originally accented vowel, front-vowel harmony is blocked. This conditioned rule applies without exception to both Slavic and Latin loanwords; it is thus an economical solution. It follows that variation in Slavic loanwords in Hungarian cannot serve as a testimony of Old Slavic accent shifts, but merely of the place of the original (pitch) accent; and that the Slavic language that provided loanwords to Medieval Hungarian must have been fairly uniform. As for Latin loanwords, it likewise renders an appeal to late accent shifts unnecessary. Helimski also discovered that a subset of Latin words containing a medial cluster *-CiV- could trigger front-vowel harmony even if the original accent fell on a back vowel. Here, I argue that the distribution of front and back vocalism in this type is further governed by the vowel of the initial syllable. This minor rule possibly applies to Slavic as well.