《威胁财产:种族、阶级和为吉姆·克劳社区立法的运动》作者:伊丽莎白·a·赫宾-特里安特

IF 0.3 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR
Rebecca K. Marchiel
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引用次数: 0

摘要

劳动:工人阶级历史研究,第19卷,第3期©2022,劳动和工人阶级历史协会拒绝承认它是作品。研究生的工资(通常被称为津贴)、学位和未来雇主要求的推荐信都依赖于教师。这种支持,就像体育奖学金一样,通常与特定学年挂钩,这剥夺了这些重要的研究和大学收入来源的任何真正的经济保障。与此同时,人们的不稳定性也凸显出来,他们的劳动目前没有被视为工作,这让我们更容易看到当今美国劳动力市场上普遍存在的地位强制。因此,就像许多引人入胜的书一样,强迫提出了新的问题来理解现在和过去,特别是在最近最高法院裁定支持支付学生运动员和加州大学承认学生研究人员联合会的大部分成员之后。例如,《强迫》表明,历史学家还有更多的工作要做,以探究自20世纪40年代以来政府撤资、劳动标准下降和工作场所权利受到严重侵蚀之间的联系。随着时间的推移,税收和支出的减少让美国人在基本需求上支付了更多的钱。因此,从研究生身上榨取劳动力似乎几乎是合乎逻辑的,因为他们有望做出大学可以申请专利的研究成果;从学生运动员,他们的表演可以帮助门票销售和招收付费学生;从工作福利的父母那里,分配了保持公共空间整洁所需的最脏的任务;还有囚犯,他们的劳动维持着惩教设施,正如历史学家希瑟·汤普森(Heather Thompson)所指出的那样,这些惩教设施也向急于削减工资成本的企业推销他们的劳动,并向他们的劳动力施加压力,使他们不要成立工会。因此,哈顿的工作也为雇主威胁主管和工人地位以压制工会运动的许多合法、合法的方式提供了新的视角。最后,本书还邀请人们从历史的角度审视导致当今零工经济兴起的那种地位强制。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Threatening Property: Race, Class, and Campaigns to Legislate Jim Crow Neighborhoods by Elizabeth A. Herbin-Triant (review)
Labor: Studies in Working-Class History, Volume 19, Issue 3 © 2022 by Labor and Working-Class History Association refusing to recognize it as work. Graduate students rely on faculty for their wages (often labeled stipends), their degrees, and the letters of recommendation that future employers require. That support, like an athletic scholarship, is usually tied to a specific academic year, which robs these vital producers of research and revenue for universities of any real economic security. Highlighting the parallel precarity of people, whose labor currently goes unrecognized as work, makes it much easier to see the status coercion running throughout the American labor market today. As such, like so many compelling books, Coerced raises new questions to understand the present and past, especially in the wake of the recent Supreme Court ruling in favor of paying student athletes and the University of California recognizing a large portion of members of Student Researchers United. Coerced, for example, indicates that there’s more work for historians to do to interrogate the links between government disinvestment, declining labor standards, and the dramatic erosion of workplace rights since the 1940s. Less taxing and spending has, over time, left Americans paying more out of pocket for basic needs. So it seems almost logical that there would be a need to extract labor from graduate students expected to produce research that campuses can patent; from student athletes whose performances can help with ticket sales and recruiting feepaying students; from workfare parents, assigned the filthiest tasks needed to keep public spaces up; and from prisoners, whose labor maintains correctional facilities that also, as historian Heather Thompson has noted, marketed their labor to businesses eager to cut their payroll costs and pressure their labor forces not to unionize. Hatton’s work, then, also adds a new perspective on the many legal, legitimate ways that employers could threaten the status of supervisors and workers to quash union campaigns. Finally, this book invites more historical scrutiny of the kind of status coercion that gave rise to today’s gig economy.
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