俄罗斯帝国地缘政治和外交精英的东方主义(在19世纪末和20世纪初讨论“亚美尼亚问题”的材料上)。

Q2 Arts and Humanities
Karine R. Ambartsumyan
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引用次数: 0

摘要

介绍。萨义德的《东方主义:西方的东方概念》将“东方主义”这一范畴引入了科学和政治话语。因此,本文将重点放在亚美尼亚问题上,这一问题在20世纪初成为东方问题的重要组成部分,以说明“俄罗斯东方主义”的特点。奥斯曼城门的衰落、土耳其境内亚美尼亚人面临的困难以及高加索地区亚美尼亚人之间的政治动乱,导致俄罗斯军方和外交官密切注意这些事件,有关报告反映了这一点。材料和方法。所审查的已发表资料是由N.伊万诺夫、A.奈利多夫、D.普蒂亚塔、P.托米洛夫、I.沃龙佐夫-达什科夫、R. Termen撰写的。所涉及的档案文件(俄罗斯联邦国家档案馆)是A. Nelidov在1882年和1896年的报告,都是写给V. Lamsdorf的。其理论基础是由东方主义、西方主义和批判地缘政治的概念构成的,后者将精英的地缘政治观念视为一种独立的现象,称为“高级地缘政治”。结果。1878年《柏林条约》签订后,亚美尼亚问题成为列强之间相互影响的新领域。本文的分析证实了“俄罗斯东方主义”——在精英的地缘政治思想中——具有反西方的阴影。矛盾的是,在东方背景下,俄罗斯帝国精英将自己定位为欧洲文明的代表。然而,当涉及到捍卫国家利益时,他们的推理就会带有反西方的色彩。西方主义以西方世界的统一为前提,例如,在雅的报告中可以观察到这一点。Lundekvist和A. Nelidov。东方主义的观点和色彩是由实际的工作任务决定的。例如,总督I. Vorontsov-Dashkov是一个“内部东方主义”的携带者,这表明他对高加索亚美尼亚人有一种优越感。因此,以资本为基础的高管和帝国殖民地外围的高管所表达的态度存在一定的差异。结论。因此,本研究的结论如下。首先,精英阶层如何看待亚美尼亚问题及其土耳其背景的本质,证明了“俄罗斯东方主义”范畴的合法性——既指向外部,也指向内部——后者涵盖了高加索地区的一部分亚美尼亚人口。其次,俄罗斯精英地缘政治表征的东方主义特征是由其服务的实际任务决定的。第三,“俄罗斯东方主义”更加异质,其方面比爱德华·w·赛义德的研究所呈现的要多。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Ориентализм в геополитических представлениях военных и дипломатических элит Российской империи (на материалах обсуждения «армянского вопроса» в конце XIX – начале XX в.)
Introduction. Edward W. Said’s Orientalism: Western Conceptions of the Orient introduced the category ‘Orientalism’ into scientific and political discourse. So, the article focuses on the Armenian question that became a remarkable part of the Eastern question at the turn of the 20th century — to illustrate features of ‘Russian Orientalism’. The decline of the Ottoman Porte, difficulties faced by ethnic Armenians in Turkey, and the political unrest among Armenians of the Caucasus resulted in that the Russian military and diplomats were paying close attention to those events, which was reflected in related reports. Materials and methods. The published sources examined are those authored by N. Ivanov, A. Nelidov, D. Putyata, P. Tomilov, I. Vorontsov-Dashkov, R. Termen. The archival documents involved (State Archive of Russian Federation) are A. Nelidov’s reports of 1882 and 1896, both addressed to V. Lamsdorf. The theoretical basis is shaped by concepts of Orientalism, Occidentalism, and critical geopolitics, the latter viewing geopolitical ideas of elites as an independent phenomenon referred to as ‘high geopolitics’. Results. After the Treaty of Berlin (1878) the Armenian question became a new domain for interaction between the great powers. The analysis conducted herein confirms that ‘Russian Orientalism’ — in geopolitical ideas of the elites — had an anti-Western shade. Paradoxically, in Eastern contexts Russian imperial elites were positioning themselves as representatives of European civilization. However, when it came to defend national interests, their reasoning would obtain anti-Western tones. Occidentalism presupposes a unification of the Western world, which, for example, can be observed in the reports of Ya. Lundekvist and A. Nelidov. The views and shades of Orientalism were determined by practical job tasks. For instance, Governor-General I. Vorontsov-Dashkov was rather a bearer of ‘internal Orientalism’ suggesting a patronizing concern for the Caucasian Armenians. Therefore, there were certain differences in attitudes of capital-based executives and those articulated by ones in the colonized periphery of the Empire. Conclusions. So, the study concludes as follows. Firstly, how the elites tended to perceive the essence of the Armenian question and its Turkish contexts proves the legitimacy of the category ‘Russian Orientalism’ — directed both outside and inside — the latter covering the Caucasus with a certain portion of Armenian population. Secondly, features of Orientalism in geopolitical representations of Russian elites were determined by practical tasks of their service. Thirdly, ‘Russian Orientalism’ is more heterogeneous and its aspects outnumber those presented in Edward W. Said’s study.
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来源期刊
Oriental Studies
Oriental Studies Arts and Humanities-History
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