从拉丁语到法语的演变中的弹性s+C和左移Yod

Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI:10.1515/probus-2020-0003
Tobias Scheer, Philippe Ségéral
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引用次数: 1

摘要

弹性s+C是指s+C集群在所有语言中默认是异音节的,并且在某些情况下会发生一些修复,这取决于语言的特定情况,异音节解析是非法的(前面的长元音,前面的结尾,单词的开头)。眼前的修复是下面的空细胞核上的s的分支。这种概括是从拉丁语到法语历时演变中左移的yod的行为推导出来的。如果前一个音节是打开的(placēre > plaisir),那么浮动的yod(这里来自舌化k+i,e > j+)作为结尾固定,但如果是关闭的(cancellāre > chancellor),则会丢失,除非音节尾C是s (cresc(e)re > croistre (mod. cro tre))。我们独立地知道间隔s+C团簇是规则的尾音团簇:它们阻断双元音化(testa > teste (mod. tête))。因此s是弹性的:s+C是一个规则的尾点簇,除非s需要腾出它的尾点位置。研究表明,在文献中考虑的所有s+C的音节特征中,只有一个与这种模式兼容:在CsC集群中,即在没有前面的元音时,s分支在下一个空核上,即将其与下一个C分开的那个。这被一个独立的模式所证实:CCC集群的中间辅音丢失,除非它是s (CsC),但在sCC集群中经常丢失。在这里,当前面有一个元音(sCC)时,s+C是一个规则的词尾集群,但是当前面有一个辅音(CsC)时,s弹性地变成一个非词尾集群。这种经验概括似乎是一个前所未有的发现:s+C中的s在前面有元音时是尾语,但在前面没有元音时是(分支)非尾语。结果表明,它可以解决很多众所周知的s+C簇的神秘行为,即在其他语言和同步分析中。单词开头的s+C后面没有元音,因此是非词尾,从而解释了典型的跨语言模式,即s+C是例外的单词开头,而不是单词内部(后面跟着元音)。此外,分支分析解决了一个神秘的事实,即s只有在后面跟一个辅音时才会表现出异常行为:当后面跟一个元音时,它没有空核可以分支。
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Elastic s+C and Left-moving Yod in the Evolution from Latin to French
Abstract Elastic s+C is the idea that s+C clusters are heterosyllabic by default in all languages, and that some repair will occur in case, pending on language-specific circumstances, a heterosyllabic parse is illegal (preceding long vowel, preceding coda, beginning of the word). The repair at hand is the branching of the s on the following empty nucleus. This generalization is derived from the behaviour of left-moving yod in the diachronic evolution from Latin to French. The floating yod (here coming from palatalization k+i,e > j+ʦ) anchors as a coda if the preceding syllable is open (placēre > plaisir), but is lost in case it is closed (cancellāre > chanceler), except when the syllable-final C is s (cresc(e)re > croistre (mod. croître)). We know independently that intervocalic s+C clusters are regular coda clusters: they block diphthongization (testa > teste (mod. tête)). Hence s is elastic: s+C is a regular coda cluster unless there is a demand for s to vacate its coda position. It is shown that among all syllabic identities for s+C that are entertained in the literature only one is compatible with this pattern: in CsC clusters, i.e. in absence of a preceding vowel, s branches on the following empty nucleus, i.e. the one that separates it from the following C. This is confirmed by an independent pattern: the middle consonant of CCC clusters is lost unless it is s (CsC), but is regularly dropped in sCC clusters. Here as well s+C is a regular coda-onset cluster when preceded by a vowel (sCC), but s elastically becomes a non-coda when preceded by a consonant (CsC). This empirical generalization appears to be an unprecedented finding: s in s+C is a coda when preceded by a vowel, but a (branching) non-coda when not preceded by a vowel. It is shown that it may solve a good deal of the notoriously mysterious behaviour of s+C clusters as such, i.e. in other languages and in synchronic analysis. Word-initially s+C is not followed by a vowel and therefore a non-coda, thus accounting for the typical cross-linguistic pattern whereby s+C is exceptional word-initially, but not word-internally (where it is followed by a vowel). Also, the branching analysis solves the mysterious fact that s only shows exceptional behaviour when it is followed by a consonant: there is no empty nucleus it could branch on when followed by a vowel.
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