{"title":"Gã未来标记的语法和语义","authors":"A. Campbell","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2022.1992593","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper explores the syntax and semantics of two grammatical markers of future time in Gã (Niger–Congo, Kwa) – bàá- and àá-. The coexistence of àá- and bàá- over a long period, coupled with their overlapping roles, has led to some inconsistency in their analysis. I show that in modern Gã, bàá- is the most prevalent future marker, with àá- existing much less prominently alongside it. Data from natural speech and elicitation reveal that both markers have modal functions in addition to the temporal function. bàá- can also be used aspectually to mark habits. Due largely to the overwhelming frequency of the temporal function in the discourse data, I maintain that the primary function of bàá- is as a future tense marker. It is therefore not purely a modal. àá- has all but fallen out of use and has a more modal than temporal function. This study uncovers previously unreported non-temporal uses of bàá- and underscores the crucial role played by frequency in the determination of category function.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"62 1","pages":"40 - 72"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The syntax and semantics of Gã future markers\",\"authors\":\"A. Campbell\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/03740463.2022.1992593\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACT This paper explores the syntax and semantics of two grammatical markers of future time in Gã (Niger–Congo, Kwa) – bàá- and àá-. The coexistence of àá- and bàá- over a long period, coupled with their overlapping roles, has led to some inconsistency in their analysis. I show that in modern Gã, bàá- is the most prevalent future marker, with àá- existing much less prominently alongside it. Data from natural speech and elicitation reveal that both markers have modal functions in addition to the temporal function. bàá- can also be used aspectually to mark habits. Due largely to the overwhelming frequency of the temporal function in the discourse data, I maintain that the primary function of bàá- is as a future tense marker. It is therefore not purely a modal. àá- has all but fallen out of use and has a more modal than temporal function. This study uncovers previously unreported non-temporal uses of bàá- and underscores the crucial role played by frequency in the determination of category function.\",\"PeriodicalId\":35105,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia\",\"volume\":\"62 1\",\"pages\":\"40 - 72\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2022-01-02\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2022.1992593\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q2\",\"JCRName\":\"Arts and Humanities\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2022.1992593","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"Arts and Humanities","Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT This paper explores the syntax and semantics of two grammatical markers of future time in Gã (Niger–Congo, Kwa) – bàá- and àá-. The coexistence of àá- and bàá- over a long period, coupled with their overlapping roles, has led to some inconsistency in their analysis. I show that in modern Gã, bàá- is the most prevalent future marker, with àá- existing much less prominently alongside it. Data from natural speech and elicitation reveal that both markers have modal functions in addition to the temporal function. bàá- can also be used aspectually to mark habits. Due largely to the overwhelming frequency of the temporal function in the discourse data, I maintain that the primary function of bàá- is as a future tense marker. It is therefore not purely a modal. àá- has all but fallen out of use and has a more modal than temporal function. This study uncovers previously unreported non-temporal uses of bàá- and underscores the crucial role played by frequency in the determination of category function.