失踪者与失踪者:再人性化,国家与失踪者

Q4 Arts and Humanities
N. Rousseau, Riedwaan Moosage, C. Rassool
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引用次数: 2

摘要

以前被分开处理的两条研究线——即种族隔离时代暴行中缺失的部分和殖民博物馆中种族化的部分——结合在一起,激发了克罗诺斯这个问题的活力。帝国的骨架和种族隔离时代的暴行都可以被认为是种族化的,是“消失的”和失踪的。此外,这两个领域都有类似的调查路线,与身份、补救和恢复问题有关,通常是通过人性化或再人性化的概念来界定的。因此,这些不同的“死者的学科”被带入了彼此的合作和争论中,通过死者被吸引到国家的宏大叙事及其看似战胜殖民主义和种族隔离的方式,常常再现了思念。尽管有相似之处,殖民博物馆的种族化主体和最近的冲突主体都有自己的谱系和文献。“失踪”一词主要通过阿根廷和智利进入恐怖的政治词汇;二十年后,卢旺达和波斯尼亚使国际社会注意到以万人坑为代表的大规模暴力和种族灭绝。南非躲过了这些栅格:种族隔离安全部队试图效仿拉美同行,大规模“消失”活动分子,但以失败告终;而平民间的暴力,主要采取政治形式,而不是种族、种族或宗教清洗,也没有产生万人坑。尽管如此,在南非的冲突中,“失踪”和民间冲突都产生了失踪人员——大多数人被认为已经死亡,因此,正如玛德琳·富勒德(Madeleine Fullard)所描述的那样,他们(本期)“在limbo中——死了,但失踪了。”对这类案件的调查,首先由该国的真相与和解委员会(TRC)领导,后来由其失踪人员任务小组(MPTT)领导,试图找到、挖掘、识别并将遗体归还给他们的家人。南非这样做,就加入了越来越多走这条路线的国家行列。或许除了在美国,对“无名战士”遗骸进行估价的做法——即身份不明的阵亡者——已经让位于对允许在战争和冲突中阵亡的人被埋在有标记或没有标记的坟墓中的做法的质疑。那里的纪念碑标志着缺席的存在,并代表着所有那些没有回来的人,这已经转移到一个焦点
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Missing and Missed: Rehumanisation, the Nation and Missing-ness
The bringing together of two lines of research that have previously been treated separately – namely the missing/missed body of apartheid-era atrocities and the racialised body of the colonial museum – animates this issue of Kronos. Both the skeletons of empire and those of apartheid-era atrocities can be thought of as racialised, and as ‘disappeared’ and missing. Furthermore, both areas are marked by similar lines of enquiry, linked to issues of identification, redress and restoration, often framed through notions of humanisation or rehumanisation. Consequently, these different ‘disciplines of the dead’1 have been brought into collaboration and contestation with each other, with missingness often reproduced through the ways in which the dead have been drawn into grand narratives of the nation and its seeming triumphs over colonialism and apartheid. Notwithstanding their similarities, the racialised body of the colonial museum and the body of more recent conflicts have their own genealogies and literatures. The ‘disappeared’ entered the political lexicon of terror largely through Argentina and Chile; two decades later Rwanda and Bosnia turned international attention to mass violence and genocide as exemplified by the mass grave. South Africa slips through these grids: apartheid security forces tried but failed to emulate their Latin American counterparts in ‘disappearing’ activists on a large scale, while inter-civilian violence, which mostly took the form of political rather than ethnic, racial or religious cleansing, did not produce mass graves. Nonetheless, both ‘disappearances’ and inter-civilian conflict produced missing persons in the South African conflict – most presumed dead, and thus, as Madeleine Fullard describes them (this issue) ‘in limbo – dead, but missing.’ Investigations into such cases, led first by the country’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), and later by its Missing Persons Task Team (MPTT), sought to locate, exhume, identify and return mortal remains to their families. In so doing, South Africa joined a growing list of countries following this route. Except perhaps in the United States, the practice of valorising the remains of the ‘unknown soldier’ – the unidentified dead of battle – has given way to a questioning of practices that allow the dead of war and conflict to be buried where they fall in marked or unmarked graves. Where cenotaphs mark the presence of an absence, and came to stand for all those who did not return,2 this has shifted to a focus on
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来源期刊
Kronos
Kronos Arts and Humanities-Philosophy
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