{"title":"克拉夫丘克和叶利钦的连任","authors":"David C. Brooker","doi":"10.3200/DEMO.16.3.294-304","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Russia and Ukraine are seemingly on different trajectories. Even as some of the excitement generated by the Orange Revolution fades amidst disagreements, recriminations, and betrayals by the political parties that were behind it, Ukraine is still a functioning, albeit messy, electoral democracy. Meanwhile, Russia has moved away from even the most basic standard of democracy. At a time when Russia and Ukraine are on divergent paths, it is useful to look back on a time when the two countries were at similar crossroads and to consider the factors that led to different paths being followed. The crossroad in question is the reelection campaigns of the first post-Soviet presidents for both countries-Boris Yeltsin in Russia and Leonid Kravchuk in Ukraine.Yeltsin and Kravchuk shared many similarities. They came from analogous backgrounds and their careers in some ways paralleled each other. They became leaders of their home republics under Mikhail Gorbachev, which put them in a position to become president of their newly independent countries when the Soviet Union collapsed. Even the timing of their elections was similar.The parallels continued once they were in office. Both faced significant opposition from their respective country's parliament, although they differed greatly in their responses to this opposition. Kravchuk compromised whereas Yeltsin used the military. Both saw their popularity drop as their terms wore on. A second significant difference between them, and the one that is this article's focus, is how their first term ended. Yeltsin won reelection in a tainted election while Kravchuk was defeated. This made Kravchuk a rarity among post-Soviet leaders. Of the fifteen \"first presidents\" of Soviet successor states, only Kravchuk and Mircea Snegur of Moldova were defeated in direct elections.1An examination of these two individuals' reelection campaigns can shed light on the role of political leaders in the democratization process. Some argue that leaders, particularly of newly established countries, can have a significant impact on democratic development. John Dryzek and Leslie Holmes noted this importance, particularly in the post-Soviet world:Post-communist societies often lack not only civil society . . . but also the institutions, civic traditions, and culture of compromise that can make liberal democracy work, and can avoid a slide into political chaos and/or dictatorship. In this light the key to democratic consolidation is effective state leadership committed to democratic and constitutional principles.2A president's approach to the prospect of leaving power can have a tremendous impact on democratization. Of all the precedents established by first presidents, few may be more important. An initial leader agreeing to participate in a competitive election (or more to the point, allowing an election to be competitively contested by the opposition) can create political pressure on subsequent leaders to take similar steps. There is no way to test this, but the question is still worth asking-would the public pressure on Viktor Yanukovych in 2004 have been as great without the example of what Kravchuk did in 1994? This pressure can come from other political elites, who have embraced democratic rule of law, and from the public more generally. Likewise, when a first president leaves office because of constitutionally mandated term limits, it makes it very difficult for a later leader to ignore those limits.Thomas M. Nichols called the peaceful passing of power from a leader to an opponent \"a defining moment in the life of a young democracy.\"3 Ukraine has passed this democratic milestone; Russia has not. Those who put a great deal of emphasis on leaders in democratization would argue that Ukraine passed the milestone because of Kravchuk's actions. One issue that has bedeviled those who emphasize the role of leaders is the extent to which leaders have autonomy. To say Kravchuk is responsible for Ukraine peacefully transfering power to an opponent assumes that had he acted differently, the end result could have been different. …","PeriodicalId":39667,"journal":{"name":"Demokratizatsiya","volume":"149 1","pages":"294-304"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2008-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"2","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Kravchuk and Yeltsin at Reelection\",\"authors\":\"David C. 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They became leaders of their home republics under Mikhail Gorbachev, which put them in a position to become president of their newly independent countries when the Soviet Union collapsed. Even the timing of their elections was similar.The parallels continued once they were in office. Both faced significant opposition from their respective country's parliament, although they differed greatly in their responses to this opposition. Kravchuk compromised whereas Yeltsin used the military. Both saw their popularity drop as their terms wore on. A second significant difference between them, and the one that is this article's focus, is how their first term ended. Yeltsin won reelection in a tainted election while Kravchuk was defeated. This made Kravchuk a rarity among post-Soviet leaders. Of the fifteen \\\"first presidents\\\" of Soviet successor states, only Kravchuk and Mircea Snegur of Moldova were defeated in direct elections.1An examination of these two individuals' reelection campaigns can shed light on the role of political leaders in the democratization process. Some argue that leaders, particularly of newly established countries, can have a significant impact on democratic development. John Dryzek and Leslie Holmes noted this importance, particularly in the post-Soviet world:Post-communist societies often lack not only civil society . . . but also the institutions, civic traditions, and culture of compromise that can make liberal democracy work, and can avoid a slide into political chaos and/or dictatorship. In this light the key to democratic consolidation is effective state leadership committed to democratic and constitutional principles.2A president's approach to the prospect of leaving power can have a tremendous impact on democratization. Of all the precedents established by first presidents, few may be more important. An initial leader agreeing to participate in a competitive election (or more to the point, allowing an election to be competitively contested by the opposition) can create political pressure on subsequent leaders to take similar steps. There is no way to test this, but the question is still worth asking-would the public pressure on Viktor Yanukovych in 2004 have been as great without the example of what Kravchuk did in 1994? This pressure can come from other political elites, who have embraced democratic rule of law, and from the public more generally. Likewise, when a first president leaves office because of constitutionally mandated term limits, it makes it very difficult for a later leader to ignore those limits.Thomas M. 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引用次数: 2
摘要
俄罗斯和乌克兰似乎走在不同的道路上。尽管橙色革命引发的一些兴奋在背后政党的分歧、指责和背叛中逐渐消退,但乌克兰仍然是一个运转良好的选举民主国家,尽管混乱不堪。与此同时,俄罗斯甚至已经远离了最基本的民主标准。在俄罗斯和乌克兰走上不同道路的时候,回顾两国处于类似十字路口的时期,并考虑导致两国走上不同道路的因素,是有益的。问题的十字路口是两国后苏联时代的第一任总统——俄罗斯的鲍里斯·叶利钦和乌克兰的列昂尼德·克拉夫丘克的连任竞选。叶利钦和克拉夫丘克有许多相似之处。他们有着相似的背景,他们的职业生涯在某些方面是相似的。在米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫(Mikhail Gorbachev)的领导下,他们成为了各自共和国的领导人,这让他们在苏联解体后成为了各自新独立国家的总统。甚至他们的选举时间也相似。这种相似之处在他们执政后继续存在。两人都面临着各自国家议会的强烈反对,尽管他们对这种反对的反应大相径庭。克拉夫丘克妥协了,而叶利钦则使用了军事手段。随着任期的延长,两人的支持率都有所下降。他们之间的第二个显著区别,也是本文关注的重点,是他们的第一个任期是如何结束的。叶利钦在不公正的选举中赢得连任,而克拉夫丘克被击败。这使得克拉夫丘克在后苏联领导人中成为一个罕见的人物。在苏联后继国家的十五位“首任总统”中,只有摩尔多瓦的克拉夫丘克和米尔恰·斯涅古尔在直接选举中被击败。对这两个人的连任竞选活动的考察可以揭示政治领导人在民主化进程中的作用。一些人认为,领导人,特别是新建立国家的领导人,可以对民主发展产生重大影响。约翰·德莱泽克和莱斯利·霍姆斯指出了这一点的重要性,尤其是在后苏联时代:后共产主义社会往往不仅缺乏公民社会……但也有制度、公民传统和妥协文化,它们可以使自由民主发挥作用,避免滑向政治混乱和/或独裁。在这种情况下,巩固民主的关键是致力于民主和宪法原则的有效的国家领导。一位总统对下台前景的态度可能会对民主化产生巨大影响。在首任总统开创的所有先例中,可能没有几个比这更重要。最初的领导人同意参加竞争性选举(或者更确切地说,允许反对派参加竞争性选举)可以给后来的领导人带来政治压力,迫使他们采取类似的步骤。没有办法验证这一点,但问题仍然值得一问——如果没有1994年克拉夫丘克的例子,2004年亚努科维奇所面临的公众压力还会如此之大吗?这种压力可能来自其他接受民主法治的政治精英,也可能来自更广泛的公众。同样,当第一任总统因为宪法规定的任期限制而离任时,后来的领导人就很难忽视这些限制。托马斯·m·尼科尔斯(Thomas M. Nichols)称,权力从领导人和平移交给对手是“一个年轻民主国家生命中的决定性时刻”。乌克兰已经跨过了这个民主的里程碑;俄罗斯没有。那些非常重视民主化领导人的人会认为,乌克兰之所以能跨过这一里程碑,是因为克拉夫丘克的行动。一个困扰那些强调领导者角色的人的问题是,领导者的自主权有多大。如果说克拉夫丘克对乌克兰和平地将权力移交给对手负有责任,那就意味着,如果他采取不同的行动,最终的结果可能会不同。…
Russia and Ukraine are seemingly on different trajectories. Even as some of the excitement generated by the Orange Revolution fades amidst disagreements, recriminations, and betrayals by the political parties that were behind it, Ukraine is still a functioning, albeit messy, electoral democracy. Meanwhile, Russia has moved away from even the most basic standard of democracy. At a time when Russia and Ukraine are on divergent paths, it is useful to look back on a time when the two countries were at similar crossroads and to consider the factors that led to different paths being followed. The crossroad in question is the reelection campaigns of the first post-Soviet presidents for both countries-Boris Yeltsin in Russia and Leonid Kravchuk in Ukraine.Yeltsin and Kravchuk shared many similarities. They came from analogous backgrounds and their careers in some ways paralleled each other. They became leaders of their home republics under Mikhail Gorbachev, which put them in a position to become president of their newly independent countries when the Soviet Union collapsed. Even the timing of their elections was similar.The parallels continued once they were in office. Both faced significant opposition from their respective country's parliament, although they differed greatly in their responses to this opposition. Kravchuk compromised whereas Yeltsin used the military. Both saw their popularity drop as their terms wore on. A second significant difference between them, and the one that is this article's focus, is how their first term ended. Yeltsin won reelection in a tainted election while Kravchuk was defeated. This made Kravchuk a rarity among post-Soviet leaders. Of the fifteen "first presidents" of Soviet successor states, only Kravchuk and Mircea Snegur of Moldova were defeated in direct elections.1An examination of these two individuals' reelection campaigns can shed light on the role of political leaders in the democratization process. Some argue that leaders, particularly of newly established countries, can have a significant impact on democratic development. John Dryzek and Leslie Holmes noted this importance, particularly in the post-Soviet world:Post-communist societies often lack not only civil society . . . but also the institutions, civic traditions, and culture of compromise that can make liberal democracy work, and can avoid a slide into political chaos and/or dictatorship. In this light the key to democratic consolidation is effective state leadership committed to democratic and constitutional principles.2A president's approach to the prospect of leaving power can have a tremendous impact on democratization. Of all the precedents established by first presidents, few may be more important. An initial leader agreeing to participate in a competitive election (or more to the point, allowing an election to be competitively contested by the opposition) can create political pressure on subsequent leaders to take similar steps. There is no way to test this, but the question is still worth asking-would the public pressure on Viktor Yanukovych in 2004 have been as great without the example of what Kravchuk did in 1994? This pressure can come from other political elites, who have embraced democratic rule of law, and from the public more generally. Likewise, when a first president leaves office because of constitutionally mandated term limits, it makes it very difficult for a later leader to ignore those limits.Thomas M. Nichols called the peaceful passing of power from a leader to an opponent "a defining moment in the life of a young democracy."3 Ukraine has passed this democratic milestone; Russia has not. Those who put a great deal of emphasis on leaders in democratization would argue that Ukraine passed the milestone because of Kravchuk's actions. One issue that has bedeviled those who emphasize the role of leaders is the extent to which leaders have autonomy. To say Kravchuk is responsible for Ukraine peacefully transfering power to an opponent assumes that had he acted differently, the end result could have been different. …
DemokratizatsiyaSocial Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
1.40
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
期刊介绍:
Occupying a unique niche among literary journals, ANQ is filled with short, incisive research-based articles about the literature of the English-speaking world and the language of literature. Contributors unravel obscure allusions, explain sources and analogues, and supply variant manuscript readings. Also included are Old English word studies, textual emendations, and rare correspondence from neglected archives. The journal is an essential source for professors and students, as well as archivists, bibliographers, biographers, editors, lexicographers, and textual scholars. With subjects from Chaucer and Milton to Fitzgerald and Welty, ANQ delves into the heart of literature.