{"title":"描绘基督作为外科医生和病人在大英图书馆MS斯隆1977","authors":"Karl Whittington","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2014.0009","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"s.” 11. Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts, 84. 12. Wolfgang Kemp’s study of Gothic stained glass is perhaps the best example of many such investigations. Kemp, The Narratives of Gothic Stained Glass (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). See also Schlozman, ch. 4. 13. See Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 72. KARL WHITTINGToN 109 14. Ibid., 8–9. on the production of the artist, she cites Georg Graf Vitzthum, Die Pariser Miniaturmalerei von der Zeit des hl. Ludwig bis zu Philipp von Valois und ihr Verhältnis zur Malerei in Nordwesteuropa (Leipzig: Quelle u. Meyer, 1907), 151–52; Ingrid Gardill, Sancta Benedicta: Missionarin, Märtyrerin, Patronin: der Prachtcodex aus dem Frauenkloster Saînte-Benoîte in Origny (Petersberg, Germany: Imhoff, 2005), 219–46; and Alison Stones, “L’atelier artistiqe de la Vie de saint Benoîte d’origny: nouvelles considerations,” Bulletin de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires (1990). See also Eleanor S. Greenhill, “A Fourteenth-Century Workshop of Manuscript Illuminators and Its Localization,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 40 (1977), 1–25, who suggests a precise location for production at Amiens. 15. Valls, “What Difference Does Language Make,” 85. Schlozman argues for a monastic hospital as the most likely patron, pointing to the frequent inclusion of monks throughout the pictorial program, including in unexpected situations. She also mentions the emphasis on copying and translation. Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 18–20; 24–26. For a recent treatment of the intersection of healing and monasticism, see Montford, Health, Sickness, Medicine, and the Friars (Burlington: Ashgate, 2004), and Montford, “Dangers and Disorders: The Decline of the Dominican Frater Medicus,” Journal for the Society for the Social History of Medicine 16.2 (2003), 169–91. 16. Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts, 84. Jones is a pioneering scholar in the field of medical illustration, and the author of numerous meticulous and fascinating works; in no way am I downplaying his contributions. I am simply responding to his statements about the Sloane manuscript; in other essays, he has pointed out fascinating connections between medical and religious imagery. 17. See, for example, Jeremy Citrome, The Surgeon in Medieval English Literature (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006). 18. In her study, Schlozman argues for a bit more of a programmatic approach than I suggest. She identifies an overarching pattern or arc in the connections between the two cycles, while I tend to think their moments of contact are more incidental, secondary to the aims of the overall comparison between the two. Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 47. 19. Translation mine, transcription from Valls, Studies on Roger Frugardi’s Chirurgia, 25: “Aprés ce que Deix ot le monde crié et il l’ot enbeli de sustance terrienne, il ot formé homme et mis en lui esprit de vie....Et mist en homme et l’enbeli gloreusement de forme et de sapience et li donna entendment de faire bien et mal et enseignement et quemandment il [a] apareillé divers tormens selonc les divers max....Cil souverains mires volt a soi retenir la cure de la partie pardurable, c’est de l’ame, et nos deguerpi et nos laissa la cure de la chetiveté terrienne, c’est du cors, a curer, sicomme sont des plaies et des autres enfermetés, desqueles theorique est nostre mestresse et praitique en est ministresse, de laquele praitique li offices est a curer les accidens et les maladies qui avienent 110 Picturing Christ as Surgeon and Patient in British Library MS Sloane 1977 a cors humain dedens et defors. Et pour ce que en cest livre sont continues les cures des maladies qui avienent en divers cors par defors, sicomme plaies qui sont apelees en fisique solucion de continuité des menbres, c’est la jointure de l’une char a l’autre, cist livres recoit la dignité et le nom de cirurgie.” Valls also mentions this preface and its establishment of a possible relation between Roger’s role and God’s. See Studies on Roger Frugardi’s Chirurgia, 132. See also Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 44–47. 20. There was a large debate over this question. Nancy Siraisi points out two passages in the Bible that seem to support the notion that injuries and diseases could not be ascribed to specific sinful actions (Luke 13.4–5 and John 9.1–3), but she writes that other Christian writers did “occasionally interpret specific instances of sudden or dramatic illness as evidence of divine retribution for sin.” Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine: An Introduction to Knowledge and Practice (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 8. 21. Passages cited in Raymond St-Jacques, “Langland’s Christus Medicus Image and the Structure of Piers Plowman,” The Yearbook of Langland Studies 5 (1991),","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"40 1","pages":"115 - 83"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2015-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"3","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Picturing Christ as Surgeon and Patient in British Library MS Sloane 1977\",\"authors\":\"Karl Whittington\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/MDI.2014.0009\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"s.” 11. Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts, 84. 12. Wolfgang Kemp’s study of Gothic stained glass is perhaps the best example of many such investigations. Kemp, The Narratives of Gothic Stained Glass (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). See also Schlozman, ch. 4. 13. See Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 72. KARL WHITTINGToN 109 14. Ibid., 8–9. on the production of the artist, she cites Georg Graf Vitzthum, Die Pariser Miniaturmalerei von der Zeit des hl. Ludwig bis zu Philipp von Valois und ihr Verhältnis zur Malerei in Nordwesteuropa (Leipzig: Quelle u. Meyer, 1907), 151–52; Ingrid Gardill, Sancta Benedicta: Missionarin, Märtyrerin, Patronin: der Prachtcodex aus dem Frauenkloster Saînte-Benoîte in Origny (Petersberg, Germany: Imhoff, 2005), 219–46; and Alison Stones, “L’atelier artistiqe de la Vie de saint Benoîte d’origny: nouvelles considerations,” Bulletin de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires (1990). See also Eleanor S. Greenhill, “A Fourteenth-Century Workshop of Manuscript Illuminators and Its Localization,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 40 (1977), 1–25, who suggests a precise location for production at Amiens. 15. Valls, “What Difference Does Language Make,” 85. Schlozman argues for a monastic hospital as the most likely patron, pointing to the frequent inclusion of monks throughout the pictorial program, including in unexpected situations. She also mentions the emphasis on copying and translation. Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 18–20; 24–26. For a recent treatment of the intersection of healing and monasticism, see Montford, Health, Sickness, Medicine, and the Friars (Burlington: Ashgate, 2004), and Montford, “Dangers and Disorders: The Decline of the Dominican Frater Medicus,” Journal for the Society for the Social History of Medicine 16.2 (2003), 169–91. 16. Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts, 84. Jones is a pioneering scholar in the field of medical illustration, and the author of numerous meticulous and fascinating works; in no way am I downplaying his contributions. I am simply responding to his statements about the Sloane manuscript; in other essays, he has pointed out fascinating connections between medical and religious imagery. 17. See, for example, Jeremy Citrome, The Surgeon in Medieval English Literature (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006). 18. In her study, Schlozman argues for a bit more of a programmatic approach than I suggest. She identifies an overarching pattern or arc in the connections between the two cycles, while I tend to think their moments of contact are more incidental, secondary to the aims of the overall comparison between the two. Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 47. 19. Translation mine, transcription from Valls, Studies on Roger Frugardi’s Chirurgia, 25: “Aprés ce que Deix ot le monde crié et il l’ot enbeli de sustance terrienne, il ot formé homme et mis en lui esprit de vie....Et mist en homme et l’enbeli gloreusement de forme et de sapience et li donna entendment de faire bien et mal et enseignement et quemandment il [a] apareillé divers tormens selonc les divers max....Cil souverains mires volt a soi retenir la cure de la partie pardurable, c’est de l’ame, et nos deguerpi et nos laissa la cure de la chetiveté terrienne, c’est du cors, a curer, sicomme sont des plaies et des autres enfermetés, desqueles theorique est nostre mestresse et praitique en est ministresse, de laquele praitique li offices est a curer les accidens et les maladies qui avienent 110 Picturing Christ as Surgeon and Patient in British Library MS Sloane 1977 a cors humain dedens et defors. Et pour ce que en cest livre sont continues les cures des maladies qui avienent en divers cors par defors, sicomme plaies qui sont apelees en fisique solucion de continuité des menbres, c’est la jointure de l’une char a l’autre, cist livres recoit la dignité et le nom de cirurgie.” Valls also mentions this preface and its establishment of a possible relation between Roger’s role and God’s. See Studies on Roger Frugardi’s Chirurgia, 132. See also Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 44–47. 20. There was a large debate over this question. Nancy Siraisi points out two passages in the Bible that seem to support the notion that injuries and diseases could not be ascribed to specific sinful actions (Luke 13.4–5 and John 9.1–3), but she writes that other Christian writers did “occasionally interpret specific instances of sudden or dramatic illness as evidence of divine retribution for sin.” Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine: An Introduction to Knowledge and Practice (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 8. 21. 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Picturing Christ as Surgeon and Patient in British Library MS Sloane 1977
s.” 11. Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts, 84. 12. Wolfgang Kemp’s study of Gothic stained glass is perhaps the best example of many such investigations. Kemp, The Narratives of Gothic Stained Glass (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). See also Schlozman, ch. 4. 13. See Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 72. KARL WHITTINGToN 109 14. Ibid., 8–9. on the production of the artist, she cites Georg Graf Vitzthum, Die Pariser Miniaturmalerei von der Zeit des hl. Ludwig bis zu Philipp von Valois und ihr Verhältnis zur Malerei in Nordwesteuropa (Leipzig: Quelle u. Meyer, 1907), 151–52; Ingrid Gardill, Sancta Benedicta: Missionarin, Märtyrerin, Patronin: der Prachtcodex aus dem Frauenkloster Saînte-Benoîte in Origny (Petersberg, Germany: Imhoff, 2005), 219–46; and Alison Stones, “L’atelier artistiqe de la Vie de saint Benoîte d’origny: nouvelles considerations,” Bulletin de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires (1990). See also Eleanor S. Greenhill, “A Fourteenth-Century Workshop of Manuscript Illuminators and Its Localization,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 40 (1977), 1–25, who suggests a precise location for production at Amiens. 15. Valls, “What Difference Does Language Make,” 85. Schlozman argues for a monastic hospital as the most likely patron, pointing to the frequent inclusion of monks throughout the pictorial program, including in unexpected situations. She also mentions the emphasis on copying and translation. Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 18–20; 24–26. For a recent treatment of the intersection of healing and monasticism, see Montford, Health, Sickness, Medicine, and the Friars (Burlington: Ashgate, 2004), and Montford, “Dangers and Disorders: The Decline of the Dominican Frater Medicus,” Journal for the Society for the Social History of Medicine 16.2 (2003), 169–91. 16. Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts, 84. Jones is a pioneering scholar in the field of medical illustration, and the author of numerous meticulous and fascinating works; in no way am I downplaying his contributions. I am simply responding to his statements about the Sloane manuscript; in other essays, he has pointed out fascinating connections between medical and religious imagery. 17. See, for example, Jeremy Citrome, The Surgeon in Medieval English Literature (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006). 18. In her study, Schlozman argues for a bit more of a programmatic approach than I suggest. She identifies an overarching pattern or arc in the connections between the two cycles, while I tend to think their moments of contact are more incidental, secondary to the aims of the overall comparison between the two. Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 47. 19. Translation mine, transcription from Valls, Studies on Roger Frugardi’s Chirurgia, 25: “Aprés ce que Deix ot le monde crié et il l’ot enbeli de sustance terrienne, il ot formé homme et mis en lui esprit de vie....Et mist en homme et l’enbeli gloreusement de forme et de sapience et li donna entendment de faire bien et mal et enseignement et quemandment il [a] apareillé divers tormens selonc les divers max....Cil souverains mires volt a soi retenir la cure de la partie pardurable, c’est de l’ame, et nos deguerpi et nos laissa la cure de la chetiveté terrienne, c’est du cors, a curer, sicomme sont des plaies et des autres enfermetés, desqueles theorique est nostre mestresse et praitique en est ministresse, de laquele praitique li offices est a curer les accidens et les maladies qui avienent 110 Picturing Christ as Surgeon and Patient in British Library MS Sloane 1977 a cors humain dedens et defors. Et pour ce que en cest livre sont continues les cures des maladies qui avienent en divers cors par defors, sicomme plaies qui sont apelees en fisique solucion de continuité des menbres, c’est la jointure de l’une char a l’autre, cist livres recoit la dignité et le nom de cirurgie.” Valls also mentions this preface and its establishment of a possible relation between Roger’s role and God’s. See Studies on Roger Frugardi’s Chirurgia, 132. See also Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 44–47. 20. There was a large debate over this question. Nancy Siraisi points out two passages in the Bible that seem to support the notion that injuries and diseases could not be ascribed to specific sinful actions (Luke 13.4–5 and John 9.1–3), but she writes that other Christian writers did “occasionally interpret specific instances of sudden or dramatic illness as evidence of divine retribution for sin.” Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine: An Introduction to Knowledge and Practice (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 8. 21. Passages cited in Raymond St-Jacques, “Langland’s Christus Medicus Image and the Structure of Piers Plowman,” The Yearbook of Langland Studies 5 (1991),