新右派运动的兴衰与2000年代韩国的历史战争

IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES
V. Tikhonov
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引用次数: 4

摘要

本文讨论的是韩国特权阶层的一种尝试,即所谓的新右翼运动,它试图破坏任何对其制度上(在许多情况下是家族上)祖先殖民时代行为的批评的基础。它同时是一个学术和政治运动,于2004年发起,一直是一种新的、后民族主义的新保守主义的倡导者,直到最近的衰落,或多或多地伴随着朴槿惠(朴槿惠)政权在2016年至2017年首尔市中心的烛光守烛和数百万人的示威中灭亡。在学术层面上,新右翼旨在将韩国民族主义的价值论基础从受日本殖民主义者歧视和压迫的民族国家(minjok)转变为殖民主义被认为有助于移植到韩国土地上的资本主义“文明”,以及允许许多前殖民时期精英成员保持其社会经济地位的韩国国家地位。如果新的优先顺序——市场游戏规则、工业增长和现代资本主义国家地位被置于民族国家的传统俗套(包括大多数人口,他们可能不一定会立即受益于所有这些发展)之前——得以确立,那么为殖民时代的合作辩护将不再是一项繁重的任务。相反,在这种情况下,通敌者可以被重新解释为爱国者,他们的行为是出于朝鲜在日本的“帮助”下实现“文明化”的长期利益,而不是纯粹的机会主义。然而,新右翼从来没有成功地将传统的韩国历史范式,最终,基于韩国“欠发达”的殖民资本主义的愿景,并受到各种左翼民族主义对马克思主义的解释的严重影响,颠倒过来。本文旨在探讨这场运动是如何进行的,并找出导致其失败的决定性因素。此外,它将揭示新自由主义时代韩国史学发展的总体趋势,试图了解即使新右翼运动垮台,精英利益仍在多大程度上影响着史学趋势。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Rise and Fall of the New Right Movement and the Historical Wars in 2000s South Korea
The present article deals with one of the attempts by South Korea’s privileged stratum to undermine the very basis for any criticisms against the colonial-age behaviour of its institutional—and in many cases familial—forefathers, namely the so-called New Right movement. Simultaneously an academic and political movement, it was launched in 2004 and had been acting as advocates of a new, post-nationalist neo-conservatism until its recent decline, more or less concurrent with the demise of Park Geun-hye (Pak Kûnhye) regime amidst the candlelight vigils and million-strong demonstrations in downtown Seoul in 2016–2017. On the academic plane, New Right aimed at shifting the axiological basis of South Korean nationalism from ethno-nation (minjok) discriminated and oppressed by the Japanese colonialists, to the capitalist ‘civilization’ which colonialism had supposedly helped to transplant onto Korean soil, and the South Korean statehood which allowed so many former members of the colonial-period elites to maintain their socio-economic positions. If the new order of priorities, with the market game rules, industrial growth and modern capitalist statehood put ahead of the traditional shibboleth of the ethno-nation (encompassing the majority of population which might not necessarily benefit, at least, immediately, from all these developments), was to be established, the defence of colonial-age collaboration would no longer be an onerous task. On the contrary, collaborators could be, in such a way, re-interpreted as patriots who had acted out of Korea’s long-term interest in ‘civilizing’ itself with the Japanese ‘help’ rather than pure opportunism. However, New Right never succeeded in putting the conventional South Korean historical paradigm—based, eventually, on the vision of Korea ‘under-developed’ by the colonial capitalism and heavily influenced by various left-nationalistic interpretations of Marxism—upside down. The present article aims at exploring how the movement proceeded and finding out what could have been the decisive factors in its failure. Moreover, it will shed the light on the general tendencies in the development of South Korean historiography in the neo-liberal age, in an attempt to understand to which extent the elite interests may be still influencing the historiographical trends, even despite the downfall of the New Right movement.
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CiteScore
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