新世袭政治传播的一些特征

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引用次数: 0

摘要

由于在亚非材料上,传统的民主、专制和极权政体的科学理论划分已经不够有效,因此本文针对第三世界国家政治传播的具体特征,强调了新世袭政体的概念。在世界上许多国家,包括前苏联国家民主制度的正式迹象背后,存在着其运作的世袭逻辑。新世袭制政权的特征被区分开来:中心和边缘之间的“差距”,根据庇护-客户计划构建的社会-政治关系,国家在政治体系中的主导作用,国家-官僚复合体的代表对国家职能的“私有化”,将其变成私人收入的来源。需要指出的是,在这种条件下,在政治系统的政治沟通子系统中,形成了权力寡头空间的特定模式,在这种模式中,自己的媒体渠道的存在,控制和审查信息流的能力获得了特殊的作用。这有助于部署游说和腐败网络,这些网络正在成为新世袭政权运作的一个不可或缺的机制。本文讨论了新母系交际中词汇的特殊性问题,即所谓谩骂或淫秽词汇的广泛使用。这表明,这不是由于个别政治行为者的教育或一般文化水平低造成的,而是由于培养新世袭政权固有的政治沟通的非正式方面的趋势。提出的问题是,为了进一步研究新世系传播的具体情况,最有希望的方法之一是确定新世系制度的主要模式并分析其发展特点。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
SOME FEATURES OF NEOPATRIMONIAL POLITICAL COMMUNICATIONS
The article emphasizes the concept of neopatrimonial political regimes for specific features highlighting of political communications in third world countries since on the Afro-Asian material the traditional science-theoretical division into democratic, authoritarian and totalitarian regimes is not effective enough. Behind the formal signs of democratic regimes in many countries of the world, including in the countries of the former Soviet Union, lies the patrimonial logic of their functioning. The characteristic features of neopatrimonial regimes are distinguished: the “gap” between the center and the periphery, the construction of socio-political relations according to the patronage-client scheme, the dominant role of the state in the political system, “privatization” of state functions by representatives of the state-bureaucratic complex, turning them into a source of private income. It is noted that under this conditions in the political-communicative subsystem of the political system the specific model of power-oligarchic space is formed, within which presence of own media channels, the ability to control and censor information flows acquires on a special role. This contributes to the deployment of lobbying and corruption networks, which are becoming an integral mechanism for the functioning of neopatrimonial regimes. The problem of the peculiarity of the lexis in neopatrimonial communications is considered, namely, the widespread use of the so-called invective or obscene vocabulary. It is suggested that it is not caused by low educational or general cultural level of individual political actors, but by the tendency of cultivation the informal aspect of political communications inherent in neopatrimonial regimes. The question is posed that for further research on the specifics of neopatrimonial communications, one of the most promising approaches is the identification of the main models of neopatrimonial regimes and analysis of the features of their development.
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