{"title":"编辑:新冠疫情时期的研究","authors":"D. Roth","doi":"10.1080/07329113.2021.1957432","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"For almost one and a half year, the world has been in the grip of the COVID pandemic, confronting people worldwide with a wide variety of unexpected health, social, economic, legal, political and other impacts on their daily lives and lifeworlds. COVID took the world by surprise and totally unprepared; the rich parts of the world more interested in business-as-usual and economic growth than in disaster-preparedness, despite earlier wake-up calls like ebola, SARS, Q-fever and many others. Those who read David Quammen’s Spillover, published in 2013, could have known. Sociologically COVID can be seen as a life-changing “event,” a rupture that creates a “before” and an “after.” However, it does so differently for various people in different parts of the world and positioned differently socially, economically and otherwise. The outbreak and spread of the COVID pandemic does not only reveal the human vulnerability to and unpreparedness for pandemics, but also lays bare the deeper social, political and other fault lines, sensitivities and conflicts that tend to remain hidden under “normal” conditions. While in most countries COVID was acknowledged to be a serious threat, in some it was disregarded for political-ideological reasons (e.g. the United States during the Trump administration; Bolsonaro’s Brazil) or it was even forbidden to mention it (Tanzania under John Magufuli). Governing the COVID crisis is a matter of trial and error. While it took time to find out what works in combatting the pandemic, the three cases mentioned above have clearly shown what does not work, what bad governance of the pandemic looks like, and what the consequences of denial and disregard are in terms of human suffering. Many COVID-related measures have raised important constitutional, legal and justice issues. COVID has become the legitimizing argument for forms of securitization, centralization of powers and the creation of “states of exception,” expressed through emergency laws, policies and interventions. In Hongkong, for instance, COVID created a window of opportunity for those in power to forbid demonstrations against Beijing’s growing influence and thus to eliminate political opposition. In a world preoccupied with combatting the pandemic, authoritarian regimes more generally seem to have benefited from fear of contamination, reduced social interaction, and the ban on mass meetings and demonstrations. But the pandemic has raised many other political, legal and justice issues. Globally, the huge inequalities in access to pharmaceutical production infrastructure and the markets for vaccines dominated by rich countries have created unacceptable distributional inequalities and massive vulnerabilities. While rich countries bought up the lions’ share of global vaccine production, many poor countries, especially in Africa, stand by and remain dependent on gifts by other countries. Moreover, COVID","PeriodicalId":44432,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6000,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"From the editors: research in times of COVID\",\"authors\":\"D. Roth\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/07329113.2021.1957432\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"For almost one and a half year, the world has been in the grip of the COVID pandemic, confronting people worldwide with a wide variety of unexpected health, social, economic, legal, political and other impacts on their daily lives and lifeworlds. COVID took the world by surprise and totally unprepared; the rich parts of the world more interested in business-as-usual and economic growth than in disaster-preparedness, despite earlier wake-up calls like ebola, SARS, Q-fever and many others. Those who read David Quammen’s Spillover, published in 2013, could have known. Sociologically COVID can be seen as a life-changing “event,” a rupture that creates a “before” and an “after.” However, it does so differently for various people in different parts of the world and positioned differently socially, economically and otherwise. The outbreak and spread of the COVID pandemic does not only reveal the human vulnerability to and unpreparedness for pandemics, but also lays bare the deeper social, political and other fault lines, sensitivities and conflicts that tend to remain hidden under “normal” conditions. While in most countries COVID was acknowledged to be a serious threat, in some it was disregarded for political-ideological reasons (e.g. the United States during the Trump administration; Bolsonaro’s Brazil) or it was even forbidden to mention it (Tanzania under John Magufuli). Governing the COVID crisis is a matter of trial and error. While it took time to find out what works in combatting the pandemic, the three cases mentioned above have clearly shown what does not work, what bad governance of the pandemic looks like, and what the consequences of denial and disregard are in terms of human suffering. Many COVID-related measures have raised important constitutional, legal and justice issues. COVID has become the legitimizing argument for forms of securitization, centralization of powers and the creation of “states of exception,” expressed through emergency laws, policies and interventions. In Hongkong, for instance, COVID created a window of opportunity for those in power to forbid demonstrations against Beijing’s growing influence and thus to eliminate political opposition. In a world preoccupied with combatting the pandemic, authoritarian regimes more generally seem to have benefited from fear of contamination, reduced social interaction, and the ban on mass meetings and demonstrations. But the pandemic has raised many other political, legal and justice issues. Globally, the huge inequalities in access to pharmaceutical production infrastructure and the markets for vaccines dominated by rich countries have created unacceptable distributional inequalities and massive vulnerabilities. While rich countries bought up the lions’ share of global vaccine production, many poor countries, especially in Africa, stand by and remain dependent on gifts by other countries. 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For almost one and a half year, the world has been in the grip of the COVID pandemic, confronting people worldwide with a wide variety of unexpected health, social, economic, legal, political and other impacts on their daily lives and lifeworlds. COVID took the world by surprise and totally unprepared; the rich parts of the world more interested in business-as-usual and economic growth than in disaster-preparedness, despite earlier wake-up calls like ebola, SARS, Q-fever and many others. Those who read David Quammen’s Spillover, published in 2013, could have known. Sociologically COVID can be seen as a life-changing “event,” a rupture that creates a “before” and an “after.” However, it does so differently for various people in different parts of the world and positioned differently socially, economically and otherwise. The outbreak and spread of the COVID pandemic does not only reveal the human vulnerability to and unpreparedness for pandemics, but also lays bare the deeper social, political and other fault lines, sensitivities and conflicts that tend to remain hidden under “normal” conditions. While in most countries COVID was acknowledged to be a serious threat, in some it was disregarded for political-ideological reasons (e.g. the United States during the Trump administration; Bolsonaro’s Brazil) or it was even forbidden to mention it (Tanzania under John Magufuli). Governing the COVID crisis is a matter of trial and error. While it took time to find out what works in combatting the pandemic, the three cases mentioned above have clearly shown what does not work, what bad governance of the pandemic looks like, and what the consequences of denial and disregard are in terms of human suffering. Many COVID-related measures have raised important constitutional, legal and justice issues. COVID has become the legitimizing argument for forms of securitization, centralization of powers and the creation of “states of exception,” expressed through emergency laws, policies and interventions. In Hongkong, for instance, COVID created a window of opportunity for those in power to forbid demonstrations against Beijing’s growing influence and thus to eliminate political opposition. In a world preoccupied with combatting the pandemic, authoritarian regimes more generally seem to have benefited from fear of contamination, reduced social interaction, and the ban on mass meetings and demonstrations. But the pandemic has raised many other political, legal and justice issues. Globally, the huge inequalities in access to pharmaceutical production infrastructure and the markets for vaccines dominated by rich countries have created unacceptable distributional inequalities and massive vulnerabilities. While rich countries bought up the lions’ share of global vaccine production, many poor countries, especially in Africa, stand by and remain dependent on gifts by other countries. Moreover, COVID
期刊介绍:
As the pioneering journal in this field The Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law (JLP) has a long history of publishing leading scholarship in the area of legal anthropology and legal pluralism and is the only international journal dedicated to the analysis of legal pluralism. It is a refereed scholarly journal with a genuinely global reach, publishing both empirical and theoretical contributions from a variety of disciplines, including (but not restricted to) Anthropology, Legal Studies, Development Studies and interdisciplinary studies. The JLP is devoted to scholarly writing and works that further current debates in the field of legal pluralism and to disseminating new and emerging findings from fieldwork. The Journal welcomes papers that make original contributions to understanding any aspect of legal pluralism and unofficial law, anywhere in the world, both in historic and contemporary contexts. We invite high-quality, original submissions that engage with this purpose.