宪法和能力:一种(必然的)实用主义方法

D. Wood
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引用次数: 2

摘要

努斯鲍姆教授在前言中提出了这样一个问题:各国是否有道德义务发展和遵守将导致全人类充分发展的宪法原则?或者,采取一种更加自由放任的方式来培育人类潜能是必要的还是适当的?这或许是因为政府干预过度的风险,或者是因为担心将足够的资源从私人控制转移到政府控制以完成这项工作?努斯鲍姆教授的能力方法(CA)有很多值得钦佩的地方。人类本质上是社会生物。首先,人类历史是一群人以及他们如何选择共同生活和与其他群体互动的故事。然而,第一次读宪法的人不太可能立即想到《宪法修正案》。这就提出了两个问题:第一,努斯鲍姆教授认为,一个社会的宪法应该包括旨在发展人类能力的条款,她说得对吗?其次,即使这是一个有价值的目标,法官们能够或应该做些什么有用的事情来推进这个目标吗?2能力及其在法律中的地位a .一般来说,快速回顾一下CA是有帮助的。在前言的脚注15中,Nussbaum教授列出了她(在前言和其他作品中)确定的“值得人类尊严的生活的必要条件”的具体能力。这是清单:生活2。3.身体健康身体的完整性。感官、想象和思维情绪6。实际原因7。7 .从属关系(包括与他人的联系和与他人同等价值的个人尊严)尊重其他物种玩10。对环境法的控制与这些能力在许多方面有交集——甚至比努斯鲍姆教授在前言中所指出的还要多。在一个非常实际的层面上,法律授权雇用警察,他们必须确保公共安全和保障,并限制那些不尊重他人权利和自治的人。它保护言论自由、结社自由以及选择和信仰宗教的自由。它迫使那些可能污染环境的人将他们强加给周围人的成本内在化。它提供了提供医疗保健和教育等服务的机制。但法律能做的远不止这些。人们可以从两大国际人权公约中窥见这种潜力:《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》(ICCPR)和《经济、社会及文化权利国际公约》(ICESCR),前者有165个缔约国,美国是其中之一;后者有160个缔约国,美国不在其中这两项公约于1976.7年生效,它们的目的是明确地共同起作用(尽管各国可以签署其中一项而不签署另一项,就像美国一样)。因此,《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》第三段承认“根据《世界人权宣言》,只有在创造条件使人人都能享受其公民和政治权利以及经济、社会和文化权利的情况下,才能实现自由人类享有公民和政治自由以及免于恐惧和匮乏的理想。”《经济、社会、文化权利国际公约》说的完全一样,只是把最后两句话颠倒过来《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》呼吁缔约国避免基于各种理由进行歧视,包括“种族、肤色、性别、语言、宗教、政治或其他观点、民族或社会出身、财产、出生或其他地位”。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Constitutions and Capabilities: A (Necessarily) Pragmatic Approach
I. INTRODUCTION Professor Nussbaum has thrown down the gaundet in her Foreword:1 do countries have a moral obligation to develop and abide by constitutional principles that will lead to the full development of all human beings? Or is it either necessary or appropriate to take a more laissez-faire approach to the nurturing of human potential, perhaps because of the risk that governments might be too intrusive, or because of a concern about diverting enough resources from private control to governmental control to get the job done? There is a great deal to admire in Professor Nussbaum's Capabilities Approach (CA). Human beings are fundamentally social creatures. Before it is anything else, human history is the tale of groups of people and how they have chosen to live together and to interact with other groups. As the Foreword notes, the Founders of the United States drew on a rich intellectual history when they wrote the federal Constitution.2 Someone reading the Constitution for the first time, however, is not likely to think immediately of the CA. That suggests two questions: First, is Professor Nussbaum right when she argues that a society's constitution ought to include provisions designed to develop human capabilities? And second, even if this is a worthy goal, is there anything useful that judges can or should do to further that goal? II. CAPABILITIES AND THEIR PLACE IN LAW A. Generally It is helpful to begin with a quick review of the CA. In footnote 15 of the Foreword, Professor Nussbaum sets out the specific capabilities that she has identified (in the Foreword as well as in other work) as "necessary conditions of a life worthy of human dignity."3 Here is the list: 1. Life 2. Bodily Health 3. Bodily Integrity 4. Senses, Imagination, and Thought 5. Emotions 6. Practical Reason 7. Affiliation (both with respect to associations with others and with respect to one's personal dignity with worth equal to that of others) 8. Respect for Other Species 9. Play 10. Control over One's Environment4 Law intersects with these capabilities in numerous ways - even more ways than Professor Nussbaum identifies in the Foreword. At a very practical level, law authorizes the employment of police, who must assure public safety and security and restrain those who do not respect the rights and autonomy of others. It protects freedoms to speak, to associate, and to choose and follow a religion. It forces those who might pollute the environment to internalize the costs they are imposing on all around them. It provides for mechanisms through which things like health care and education are delivered. But law is capable of doing more than this. One can see a glimpse of that potential in the two great international covenants on human rights: the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which the United States is one of 165 states parties,5 and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), to which the United States is not among the 160 states parties.6 The two covenants entered into force in 1976.7 They are expressly designed to operate together (in spite of the fact that nations may subscribe to one but not the other, as the United States has). Thus, the third paragraph of the ICCPR recognizes "that, in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the ideal of free human beings enjoying civil and political freedom and freedom from fear and want can only be achieved if conditions are created whereby everyone may enjoy his civil and political rights, as well as his economic, social and cultural rights."8 The ICESCR says exacdy the same thing, just reversing die final two phrases.9 The ICCPR calls on states parties to refrain from discriminating on a variety of grounds, including "race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth, or other status. …
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