Terena原arawakan的非物态化

F. Carvalho
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引用次数: 1

摘要

本文讨论了巴西西南部阿拉瓦坎语Terena的两个词源。名词mojnoti(孤儿)和mo êu(贫瘠的,不育的)的词源学表明,它们保留了原始arawakan语的谓语前缀*ma-的痕迹,现在作为同步不可分析的词根的一部分去形态化了。由于PA *ma-在Pre-Terena, Proto-Mojeño和Baure中以mo-的形式出现,因此本研究也为阿拉瓦克语家族Bolívia-Paraná亚群的共同发展*a > o提供了证据,该研究改进了Payne(1991)的早期公式,但仍然不清楚条件作用。还讨论了与支持每种词源的比较方程直接相关的其他发展。这些发现的一个直接含义是,可以安全地拒绝Danielsen, Dunn和Muysken(2011)提出的PA *ma- > o- in Terena的假设。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Demorphologization of the proto-arawakan privative *ma- in Terena
This paper discusses the etymology of two lexical items of Terena, an Arawakan language from southwestern Brazil. Etymologization of the nouns mojénoti ‘orphan’ and moʃêu ‘barren, sterile’ shows that they preserve traces of the Proto-Arawakan Privative prefix *ma-, now demorphologized as part of synchronically unanalyzable roots. Since PA *ma- appears as mo- in Pre-Terena, Proto-Mojeño and Baure, the present work also provides evidence for the shared development *a > o, of still unclear conditioning, for the Bolívia-Paraná subgroup of the Arawakan language family, improving on an earlier formulation by Payne (1991). Other developments directly related to the comparative equations supporting each etymology are also discussed. A direct implication of these findings is that the hypothesis that PA *ma- > o- in Terena, advanced by Danielsen, Dunn & Muysken (2011), can be safely rejected.
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