指示语、确定性效应与类型-标记的区别

I. Bosque
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在文献中已经证实了一些dp与have互补的确定性效应(=英语的have和其他语言的对等体)。本文以英语和西班牙语为研究对象,研究结果表明,在HAVE语境中,指示性dp受到类型-标记区别的影响:在这些情况下,HAVE的内部参数接受类型解读,并拒绝to-ken解释。“指示性dp的类型限制”(TRD)是由于需要窄焦点np来补充HAVE以获得听-新阅读,这是表征结构的一个众所周知的特性。演示DPs的类型读数显示满足此条件。TRD影响的明显例外情况包括(i)所谓“剩余情况”下的dp;(ii)结构中,相关的DP是一个小从句的主语(有时带有非显性谓语);(iii)包含一些反自信操作符的结构。(1)中的语境虽然是明确的,但却显得陌生。(ii)和(iii)中提供的DPs逃避了狭隘的焦点解释,这种解释导致了这种确定性效应的变化。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Demonstratives, definiteness effects and the type-token distinction
Definiteness effects have been attested in the literature for some DPs complementing HAVE (= English have and their counterparts in other languages). In this paper, which focuses on English and Spanish, demonstrative DPs are shown to be affected by the type-token distinction in HAVE contexts: the internal argument of HAVE receives a type reading in these cases and rejects a to-ken interpretation. The “type restriction on demonstrative DPs” (TRD) is shown to follow from the need for narrow focus NPs complementing HAVE to receive a hearer-new reading, a well-known property of presentational structures. Type readings of demonstrative DPs are shown to meet this condition. Apparent exceptions to the TRD effect include (i) DPs in so-called “remainder contexts”; (ii) structures in which the relevant DP is the subject of a small clause (sometimes with a non-overt predicate); and (iii) structures containing a number of anti-assertive operators. The contexts in (i) are shown to be hearer-new, in spite of being definite. Those in (ii) and (iii) provide DPs which escape the narrow focus interpretation that gives ride to this variety of the definiteness effect.
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