多民族国家的议会制选择:20世纪初中国的主权、边疆治理和代表制

Q2 Arts and Humanities
Egas Moniz Bandeira
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引用次数: 0

摘要

摘要本文重构了20世纪初中国(后)帝国多样性的两种议会代议模式。一种模式预见了在新生的议会机构中边疆地区的不同代表,利用上议院席位来获得贵族的忠诚,同时拒绝选举参与。第二种模式规定了边疆地区和内陆省份之间的选举平等。虽然第一个模式是议会制的帝国治理形式,但它也受到全球治理模式的影响,并部分符合全球治理模式。第二个是国家主权不可分割的概念。在晚清帝国,政府决定反对第二种模式,因为它被认为预先假定了某种程度的民族整合,而这在帝国中是没有的。中华民国的宣告,特别是蒙古和西藏的独立宣言所带来的挑战,导致了对新成立的国家的统一的强烈强调,并迅速采用了第二种模式。然而,这一选择既不是没有争议,也不是完全执行。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Parliamentary options for a multi-ethnic state: sovereignty, frontier governance, and representation in early twentieth-century China
ABSTRACT This article reconstructs two modes of parliamentary representation of (post-)imperial diversity in early twentieth-century China. One model foresaw a differentiated representation of the borderlands in the nascent parliamentary institutions, using upper house seats to garner loyalty from the nobility at the same time as it denied electoral participation. The second model stipulated electoral equality between the borderland regions and the inner provinces. While the first model parliamentarized imperial forms of governance, it was also informed by and partially conformed to global models of governance. The second was informed by notions of undivided national sovereignty. In the late Qing Empire, the government decided against the second model, for it was deemed to presuppose a degree of national integration not given in the Empire. The challenges posed by the proclamation of the Republic of China, in particular the declarations of independence of Mongolia and Tibet, led to a strong emphasis on the newly-founded state’s unity and the swift adoption of the second model. This choice, however, was neither uncontested nor was its implementation complete.
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来源期刊
Parliaments, Estates and Representation
Parliaments, Estates and Representation Social Sciences-Sociology and Political Science
CiteScore
0.30
自引率
0.00%
发文量
28
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