北约成员国国防开支的变化、持续和趋同

T. Coggin
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引用次数: 1

摘要

本研究对1953-2020年期间18个北约成员国的国防开支进行了分析和定量总结。使用最近开发的计量经济学技术,我们探索了文献中通常使用的北约国防开支数据的两个指标的变化、持久性和收敛性的时间序列特性:实际(2019年)美元和GDP百分比。我们的两个指标变量在样本期间显示了正、负和零趋势的混合。在2006年和2014年峰会之后,国防开支超过2%的北约国家只有:希腊、土耳其、英国、美国和波兰。利用马丁斯和罗德里格斯的基于分数差异的持久性检验,我们发现只有英国、匈牙利和波兰的美元国防开支在整个样本期间拒绝常数分数差异(单位根)的null;而7个北约成员国拒绝接受GDP百分比的常数分数差(单位根)为零。正、负和零趋势的混合集使得流行的Phillips和Sul的相对收敛检验不适合我们的数据。使用Kong, Phillips和Sul的更合适的弱sigma-收敛检验,我们发现了指标变量收敛的混合证据。我们的定量结果呈现出北约国防开支统计一致性和一致性的混合画面。我们对持久性的测试表明,在大多数情况下,北约成员国国防政策和开支的重大变化将产生持久的影响。来自俄罗斯的严重威胁和潜在威胁的出现和增长(现在可能还有中国)将要求北约盟国解决这些问题。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Change, Persistence and Convergence in NATO Member Defense Spending
This study presents an analysis and quantitative summary of 18 NATO member country defense spending over the period 1953-2020. Using recently developed econometric techniques, we explore the time series properties of change, persistence and convergence in two indicators of NATO defense spending data typically used in the literature: real (2019) US dollars and Percent of GDP. Our two indicator variables display a mix of positive, negative and zero trends over the sample period. The only NATO countries with more than 2%  defense spending after the 2006 and 2014 Summits are: Greece, Turkey, UK, USA and Poland. Using the fractional difference-based persistence tests of Martins and Rodrigues, we find only UK, Hungary and Poland dollar Defense Spending reject the null of a constant fractional difference (unit root) for the entire sample period; while seven NATO members reject the null of a constant fractional difference (unit root) for Percent of GDP. The mixed set of positive, negative and zero trends render the popular relative convergence test of Phillips and Sul inappropriate for our data. Using the more appropriate weak sigma-convergence test of Kong, Phillips and Sul, we find mixed evidence for convergence of our indicator variables. Our quantitative results present a mixed picture of statistical consistency and coherence for NATO defense spending. Our tests of persistence suggest major changes in the defense policies and spending of NATO members will have a lasting effect in most cases. The emergence and growth of serious threats and potential threats from Russia (and now potentially China as well) will require the NATO allies to address these issues.
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