古巽他语中的助词"ma

Adi Gunawan, Evi Fuji Fauziyah
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引用次数: 2

摘要

本文将分析古巽他语语篇中ma小品的分布。根据对15个古巽他语文本(2个碑文,8个散文文本和5首诗)的研究,我们确定了“ma”的出现次数为730次。我们选择了几个例子来代表它在句子中的语法功能范围。我们的观察结果如下:(1)“马”不仅出现在直接对话中,也出现在叙事性文本中,无论是散文还是诗歌;(2) ma在名词性句中起连接词的作用,连接主谓;(3)在含有连接词lamun的条件从句中,ma的功能与现代Sundanese语中的mah相似,但在没有lamun的情况下,如果补充从句仅由动词短语组成,ma本身也能表达条件;(4)如果在条件分句中,ma前面加否定句,如hamo ' not '或hant ' there is not ',则ma直接放在否定句的后面,并不表示谓词,而是用来强调否定本身;(5)在第1-4点描述的情况下,ma可以被认为是一个话题标记,在一些短语中,我们甚至发现了话题标记特征的错位;(6) ma可出现在祈使句中,置于动词后以强调命令,而现代巽他语中的ma则不适用。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The particle "ma" in Old Sundanese
This article will analyse the distribution of the particle ma in Old Sundanese texts. Based on an examination of fifteen Old Sundanese texts (two inscriptions, eight prose texts, and five poems), we have identified 730 occurrences of ma. We have selected several examples which represent the range of its grammatical functions in sentences. Our observations are as follows: (1) ma not only appears in direct dialogues, but also in narrative texts, both prose and verse; (2) ma functions as a copula in nominal sentences, connecting subject and predicate; (3) in conditional clauses containing the conjunction lamun, ma has a function similar to that of mah in Modern Sundanese but, in the absence of lamun and if the supplementary clauses only consist of verb phrases, ma itself is also capable of expressing conditionality; (4) if this particle is preceded by negations such as hamo ‘not’ or hantə ‘there is not’ in conditional clauses, ma is placed directly after these negations and does not mark the predicate, but serves instead to stress the negation itself; (5) in the cases described in points 1-4, ma can be considered a topic marker, and in some phrases we have even found the dislocations that are characteristic of topic markers; and (6) ma can appear in imperative sentences, placed immediately after verbs to emphasize commands, which does not apply to mah in Modern Sundanese.
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