只在纸上谈兵

W. James
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引用次数: 0

摘要

为什么2005年的《苏丹全面和平协议》留下了冲突加剧的局面,而不是2011年南苏丹独立后苏丹与南苏丹之间新的国际边界沿线的和平?本章试图通过研究对和平的不同理解如何影响在全面和平协议谈判和执行中实际所做的事情,并参考边境社区,特别是青尼罗州的社区,这是和平谈判和全面和平协议最终草案中单独处理的“三个地区”之一,来回答这个问题。我认为,《全面和平协议》未能承认自1983年以来苏丹内战的国际层面,特别是与埃塞俄比亚关系转变的政治层面。缔造和平的过程主要是在地方和国际领导人的精英阶层进行的,他们笼统地把苏丹的“北方”作为一个整体,区别于“南方”。伊加特本身所推动的讨论基于这样一种假设,即问题存在于这两个实体之间。专业的缔造和平者没有充分重视影响过渡区内当地社区的问题,特别是那些在不断变化的军事冲突前线忍受了二十年生活的人。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Making Peace on Paper Only
Why did Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005 leave a situation of intensifying conflict, rather than peace along the new international border between Sudan and South Sudan, following South Sudan’s independence in 2011? This chapter tries to answer that question by examining how different understandings of peace affected what was actually done in the CPA negotiations and implementation with reference to border communities, specifically those in Blue Nile State, one of the ‘Three Areas’ treated separately in the peace negotiations and in the final draft of the CPA. I argue that the CPA failed to acknowledge the international dimensions of the Sudanese civil war from 1983 onwards, specifically the politics of shifting relations with Ethiopia. The process of peace-making took place mainly at the elite level of local and international leaders, speaking in very general terms of the Sudanese ‘north’ as a whole, distinct from ‘the south’. The discourse promoted by IGAD itself rested on the assumption that the problem lay between these two entities. The professional peace-makers did not take sufficiently seriously the issues affecting local communities in the transitional zones, especially those who had endured twenty years of living on the shifting front lines of military conflict.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.40
自引率
0.00%
发文量
37
审稿时长
10 weeks
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