对比格尔的反驳

IF 0.1
H. Ergas
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引用次数: 0

摘要

首先,认为阻止企业收回谨慎投资就能保护消费者利益的想法是不切实际的——事实恰恰相反。例如,如果监管机构在面临不利的成本冲击时,将这种冲击的负担转嫁给受监管业务的投资者,从而使谨慎进行的投资搁浅,其效果只是增加了这些投资者未来要求的风险溢价。从长期来看,更高的溢价必须反映在供应成本的增加上,从而反映在价格或补贴上,从而影响消费者、纳税人或两者。其次,Biggar建议创建一个实体作为消费者代表来解决我提到的任何合同问题,这似乎与分析和经验都不一致。毕竟,这样一个实体仍然需要识别偏好,并以一种有意义的方式汇总它们;为什么仅仅有这样一个机构就能使这些任务更容易处理,目前还不清楚。此外,还存在与此类实体相关的明显的治理问题。美国的经验是,他们经常被自诩为消费者倡导者的人抓住,他们的关注点从推广“绿色”计划(尽管成本更高)到幼稚的民粹主义。我想说,这也是澳大利亚在电信消费者维权方面的经验。第三,正如监管机构不像中央银行一样,监管机构既不是法院也不是法官,原因在Ergas(2009)中探讨过。正是因为监管任务的定义相对宽松,并且依赖于对广泛信息的收集和分析(因此需要一个永久性的官僚机构),所以它不能被硬塞进我们强加给法院的约束中。这些限制最大限度地减少了法院被“捕获”或自己参与寻租的机会,包括对提供信息的方式(体现在证据法和诉讼规则中)、法院与当事人之间互动的性质以及上诉的复杂结构的严格限制。相比之下,经济监管机构通常只服从于相当宽松的要求
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
A Rejoinder to Biggar
First of all, it is illusory to think preventing firms from recouping investments prudently incurred can protect the interests of consumers - the opposite is true. For example, if the regulator, confronted with an adverse cost shock, shifts the burden of that shock on to investors in the regulated business, thus stranding investments prudently made, the effect is simply to increase the risk premium those investors will demand in future. In the long run, that higher premium must be reflected in increased supply costs and so in prices or subsidies, affecting consumers, taxpayers or both. Second, Biggar's suggestion that creating an entity that acts as a consumer representative solves any of the contracting problems I referred to seems inconsistent with both analysis and experience. After all, such an entity still has to identify preferences and aggregate them in a meaningful way; why merely having such a body should make those tasks more tractable is unclear. Moreover, there are obvious issues of governance associated with such entities. The US experience is that they are often captured by self-styled consumer advocates, whose focus ranges from promoting 'green' schemes (despite their higher costs) to a naive form of populism. I would suggest that has also been the Australian experience with consumer advocates in telecommunications. Third, just as regulators are not like central banks, so regulators are neither courts nor judges, for reasons explored in Ergas (2009). Precisely because the regulatory task is relatively loosely defined and relies on the collection and analysis of a wide range of information (and so requires a permanent bureaucracy), it cannot be shoehorned into the constraints we impose on courts. Those constraints, which minimise the opportunities for courts to be 'captured' or to themselves engage in rent-seeking, include severe restrictions on the manner in which information is presented (embodied in the law of evidence and in the rules of proceeding), the nature of the interaction between the court and the parties and the complex structure of appeals. In contrast, economic regulators are generally subject only to the fairly permissive requirements of
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