世界基督教:一种方法的轮廓

IF 0.3 0 RELIGION
Martha Frederiks
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引用次数: 4

摘要

在过去的几年里,我一直在教授基督教历史的入门课程。在每周一次的研讨会上,学生们阅读了一些精选的原始资料。其中一个研讨会是专门讨论“东方教会”的,在此期间,我们平行阅读景教纪念碑的文本,纪念中国“光明宗教”150周年(781年),以及阿巴斯王朝哈里发al- mahdi和景教宗主教提摩太一世在巴格达的对话(约780年)。这两种材料都源于同一时期和教会传统,但景教纪念碑用佛教和道教的概念来表达基督教,巴格达迪的对话以伊斯兰教为主要对话伙伴(Horne 1917: 381-392;[j] 2007: 24-81;Mingana 2009)。学生们常常惊讶地发现,这些文本在类型、地点和背景上如此不同,却通过蒂莫西一世(Timothy I)这个人联系在一起。蒂莫西一世居住在巴格达时,也是中国景教(Nestorian)教会的长老。菲利普·詹金斯称他“可以说是他那个时代最重要的基督教精神领袖,在罗马比西方教皇更有影响力”(詹金斯2008:6)。提摩太的牧首区很大,在今天的叙利亚、亚美尼亚、也门、阿富汗、阿塞拜疆、印度和中国都有主教(Irvin and Sunquist 2001: 284-287)。然而,无论提摩太的教会职责有多么宏大,我们在课堂上提醒自己,八世纪后几十年的基督教故事中,有比东方教会更多的东西。例如,我们记得,大约在同一时间,在更远的西方,艾琳皇后正在采取措施结束第一阶段的拜占庭圣像破坏,这本身就是伊斯兰教进步的副作用(Crone 2017: 361-397)。或者在更远的伊比利亚半岛西部,倭马亚王朝的一名成员建立了科尔多瓦酋长国,并委托在一座前西哥特教堂的旧址上建造了著名的科尔多瓦教堂(Hillenbrand 1994:113-114)。在北方,查理曼正在征战,他同时征服了邻近的撒克逊人和伦巴第人,并使他们皈依基督教,以实现他的野心
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
World Christianity: Contours of an Approach
Over the past years, I have been teaching an introductory course on Christian history. During the weekly seminars the students read a selection of primary sources. One of the seminar sessions is dedicated to the ‘Church of the East’, during which we do a parallel reading of the text of the Nestorian monument, commemorating the 150th anniversary of the ‘luminous religion’ in China (781) and the dialogue between the Abbasid caliph al-Mahdī and Nestorian Patriarch Timothy I in Baghdad (c. 780). Both materials originate from the same period and church tradition, but where the Nestorian monument uses Buddhist and Daoist notions to express Christianity, the Baghdadi dialogue engages Islam as its main conversation partner (Horne 1917: 381–392; Ji 2007: 24–81; Mingana 2009). Students are often astonished to discover that these texts, which are so dissimilar in genre, locality, and context, are connected through the person of Timothy I, who, while resident in Baghdad, was also the patriarch of the Nestorian churches in China when the monument was erected. Philip Jenkins calls him “arguably the most significant Christian spiritual leader of his day, much more influential than the Western pope, in Rome” (Jenkins 2008: 6). Timothy’s patriarchate was vast, with bishops in present-day Syria, Armenia, Yemen, Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, India, and China (Irvin and Sunquist 2001: 284–287). Yet however impressive the spatial extent of Timothy’s ecclesial responsibilities, in the class we remind ourselves that there was more to the Christian story in the latter decades of the eighth century than the Church of the East. We recall, for example, that around the same time, somewhat further to the west, Empress Irene was taking measures to end the first period of Byzantine iconoclasm, itself a side-effect of the advance of Islam (Crone 2017: 361–397). Or that even further west on the Iberian Peninsula a member of the Umayyad dynasty had established the emirate of Cordoba and was commissioning the construction of the illustrious Mezquita de Cordoba on the site of a former Visigoth church (Hillenbrand 1994:113–114). Towards the north, Charlemagne was on the warpath, simultaneously submitting and Christianizing neighbouring Saxons and Lombards to realize his ambition to
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