新美国经济:里根经济学的失败和一条新的前进道路

Q4 Social Sciences
D. D. Murphey
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It tells a lot about him, though, that in 2006 he authored what to many of his erstwhile associates would seem an heretical book, Impostor: How George W. Bush Bankrupted America and Betrayed the Reagan Legacy, and accordingly was fired by a Republican-aligned think tank. Now he challenges a long-held cornerstone of free market, limited government thinking by arguing that John Maynard Keynes was actually a conservative who sought a realistic way to combat the Great Depression and thereby to save the capitalistic system. Further, Bartlett supports a Value Added Tax (VAT) for the United States, a position that he says political leaders privately tell him is sound but that has been too politically risky for them to embrace. It is both a weakness and a strength that in this book he focuses almost entirely on monetary/fiscal policy to the exclusion of all else. The strength is that he has much valuable to say about those policies, but it would seem that today's economic conundrum goes far beyond them, so that the \"real economy\" and manifold predicaments of the society need to be considered as part of the economic condition. If the fiscal deficit is a problem, this suggests that the immense cost of foreign wars, of military undertakings throughout the world, and of overall global meliorism as supported by both neoconservatism and neoliberalism simply have to be taken into account. Further, Bartlett continues the vogue among most economic commentators of disregarding the hollowing-out of the American manufacturing system and of employment through offshoring, out-sourcing, vast imports, and immigration (both legal and illegal). Nor does he discuss the historic shift of the American economy into financialization, an emphasis on finance that brought with it the many structural pathologies that were so instrumental in producing the crisis of 2007 and beyond. All of this, and more, is part of the economic fix the United States is in today, so that a preoccupation with monetary and fiscal policy hardly covers the ground. It is incongruous that Bartlett doesn't reach out to include these things, because not doing so runs directly contrary to his basic methodology. Throughout the book, he argues effectively that economic doctrines and policies are, and ought to be, responses to particular situations. \"Economic theory has always evolved to deal with the particular crisis of the times.\" Keynes, faced with the situation in the 1930s, saw that wages were \"sticky\" and wouldn't fall precipitously to create the renewed demand for labor that would produce full employment, as orthodox economic thinking in the 1930s thought they should; and Keynes saw that monetary policy could not produce its intended effect in a deflationary situation in which firms were unwilling to borrow. Keynes, Bartlett points out, was responding to untoward realities. 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Nor does he discuss the historic shift of the American economy into financialization, an emphasis on finance that brought with it the many structural pathologies that were so instrumental in producing the crisis of 2007 and beyond. All of this, and more, is part of the economic fix the United States is in today, so that a preoccupation with monetary and fiscal policy hardly covers the ground. It is incongruous that Bartlett doesn't reach out to include these things, because not doing so runs directly contrary to his basic methodology. 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引用次数: 7

摘要

新美国经济:里根经济学的失败和新的前进道路在英雄的神殿中应该有一个特殊的位置给那些为自己思考的人,那些尽管有信念,却不让自己受制于固定的利益集团或派别的人。布鲁斯·巴特利特(Bruce Bartlett)是一位经济历史学家,也是一位著作广泛的作家,长期以来,人们一直把他与里根在美国的遗产联系在一起,但这种联系是人们对独立思想家的期望。上世纪70年代,他曾在国会议员杰克·肯普和罗恩·保罗手下工作;在接下来的几年里,他是里根总统的国内政策顾问,然后是乔治·h·w·布什政府的财政官员。2006年,他写了一本在他以前的许多同事看来是异端的书——《骗子:乔治·w·布什如何使美国破产并背叛里根的遗产》,并因此被一个与共和党结盟的智库解雇,这说明了很多关于他的事情。现在,他挑战了自由市场和有限政府思想的长期基石,认为约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯实际上是一个保守派,他寻求一种现实的方式来对抗大萧条,从而拯救资本主义体系。此外,巴特利特支持美国征收增值税,他说,政治领导人私下告诉他,这一立场是合理的,但政治风险太大,他们无法接受。在这本书中,他几乎完全关注货币/财政政策,而把其他一切都排除在外,这既是缺点,也是优点。优点是,他对这些政策有很多有价值的话要说,但似乎今天的经济难题远远超出了这些,因此,“实体经济”和社会的多种困境需要被视为经济状况的一部分。如果财政赤字是一个问题,那么这就表明,在新保守主义和新自由主义的支持下,对外战争、全球军事行动以及全球整体改善主义的巨大成本都必须考虑在内。此外,巴特利特延续了大多数经济评论员的流行观点,即无视美国制造业体系的空心化,以及通过离岸外包、外包、大量进口和移民(包括合法和非法)创造的就业机会。他也没有讨论美国经济向金融化的历史性转变,对金融的强调带来了许多结构性疾病,这些疾病在制造2007年及以后的危机中发挥了重要作用。所有这些,以及更多,都是美国目前经济问题的一部分,因此,专注于货币和财政政策几乎无法解决问题。巴特利特没有把这些东西包括进来,这是不协调的,因为不这样做直接违背了他的基本方法。在整本书中,他有力地论证了经济理论和政策是,也应该是,对特定情况的回应。“经济理论总是在演变,以应对特定的时代危机。”凯恩斯面对20世纪30年代的情况,认为工资是“粘性的”,不会像20世纪30年代的正统经济思想认为的那样,急剧下降以创造对劳动力的新需求,从而产生充分就业;凯恩斯认为,在企业不愿借款的通货紧缩情况下,货币政策无法产生预期的效果。巴特利特指出,凯恩斯是在回应不幸的现实。上世纪70年代,当“滞胀”出现高失业率和高通胀的令人费解的组合时(令人费解的是,这与菲利普斯曲线预测的反向关系相矛盾),“供给侧经济学”提供了解决方案:降低边际税率(为新企业提供激励,从而解决失业问题),而“紧缩”的货币政策则扼杀了通胀。...
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The New American Economy: The Failure of Reaganomics and a New Way Forward
The New American Economy: The Failure of Reaganomics and a New Way Forward Bruce Bartlett Palgrave Macmillan, 2009 There ought to be a special place in the pantheon of heroes for people who think for themselves and who, though they have convictions, allow themselves to be beholden to no fixed interest group or faction. Bruce Bartlett, an economic historian and widely published author, has long been associated with the Reagan legacy in the United States, but that association has been of the sort one would expect for an independent thinker. In the 1970s, he served on the staffs of Congressmen Jack Kemp and Ron Paul; and in the following years was a domestic policy adviser to President Reagan and then a treasury official in the administration of George H. W. Bush. It tells a lot about him, though, that in 2006 he authored what to many of his erstwhile associates would seem an heretical book, Impostor: How George W. Bush Bankrupted America and Betrayed the Reagan Legacy, and accordingly was fired by a Republican-aligned think tank. Now he challenges a long-held cornerstone of free market, limited government thinking by arguing that John Maynard Keynes was actually a conservative who sought a realistic way to combat the Great Depression and thereby to save the capitalistic system. Further, Bartlett supports a Value Added Tax (VAT) for the United States, a position that he says political leaders privately tell him is sound but that has been too politically risky for them to embrace. It is both a weakness and a strength that in this book he focuses almost entirely on monetary/fiscal policy to the exclusion of all else. The strength is that he has much valuable to say about those policies, but it would seem that today's economic conundrum goes far beyond them, so that the "real economy" and manifold predicaments of the society need to be considered as part of the economic condition. If the fiscal deficit is a problem, this suggests that the immense cost of foreign wars, of military undertakings throughout the world, and of overall global meliorism as supported by both neoconservatism and neoliberalism simply have to be taken into account. Further, Bartlett continues the vogue among most economic commentators of disregarding the hollowing-out of the American manufacturing system and of employment through offshoring, out-sourcing, vast imports, and immigration (both legal and illegal). Nor does he discuss the historic shift of the American economy into financialization, an emphasis on finance that brought with it the many structural pathologies that were so instrumental in producing the crisis of 2007 and beyond. All of this, and more, is part of the economic fix the United States is in today, so that a preoccupation with monetary and fiscal policy hardly covers the ground. It is incongruous that Bartlett doesn't reach out to include these things, because not doing so runs directly contrary to his basic methodology. Throughout the book, he argues effectively that economic doctrines and policies are, and ought to be, responses to particular situations. "Economic theory has always evolved to deal with the particular crisis of the times." Keynes, faced with the situation in the 1930s, saw that wages were "sticky" and wouldn't fall precipitously to create the renewed demand for labor that would produce full employment, as orthodox economic thinking in the 1930s thought they should; and Keynes saw that monetary policy could not produce its intended effect in a deflationary situation in which firms were unwilling to borrow. Keynes, Bartlett points out, was responding to untoward realities. When in the 1970s "stagflation" saw a puzzling combination of high unemployment and high inflation (puzzling because it contradicted the inverse relationship predicted by the Phillips Curve), "supply-side economics" offered the solution: a lowering of marginal tax rates (to provide incentives for new ventures and thus to address the unemployment problem), while a "tight" monetary policy put the kibosh on the inflation. …
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来源期刊
Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies
Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
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0.30
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期刊介绍: The quarterly Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies (ISSN 0193-5941), which has been published regularly since 1976, is a peer-reviewed academic journal devoted to scholarly papers which present in depth information on contemporary issues of primarily international interest. The emphasis is on factual information rather than purely theoretical or historical papers, although it welcomes an historical approach to contemporary situations where this serves to clarify the causal background to present day problems.
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