透过橙色的镜头:西方媒体、建构意象与颜色革命

Q2 Social Sciences
Andres Schipani-Aduriz
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Not even the opposition leaders predicted the scale and duration of the street protests.10 As in the 1989-91 period when, like falling dominos, socialist governments fell to the forces of democratization, Western journalists ran to the East to offer their perceptions to the West.The media not only watched, they also played a crucial role11 in the years after the then Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev came to power, as rapid developments dramatically changed the status quo. 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The dimension of these changes carries implications not only for journalists and news organizations everywhere, but also for the governments and the citizens they portray. Some critics argue that today there is a muddled approach to international news in the West that is especially unfortunate because it ignores the news media's responsibility to provide the public with important information.14 The loss of the \"grand-narrative\" of the Cold War is highly responsible for this.15 If the public is uninterested in foreign news, it is a challenge to foreign correspondents to make their coverage more relevant and interesting. Correspondents have since developed codes and norms that guide not only their behaviors, but also their editors' behaviors, which therefore shape the content of news stories.16 In moments of crisis such as these revolutions, the dimensions of the various roles played by the media (monitoring the surroundings, creation of collective imagination, and so on) take on its full meaning. 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Not even the opposition leaders predicted the scale and duration of the street protests.10 As in the 1989-91 period when, like falling dominos, socialist governments fell to the forces of democratization, Western journalists ran to the East to offer their perceptions to the West.The media not only watched, they also played a crucial role11 in the years after the then Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev came to power, as rapid developments dramatically changed the status quo. 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引用次数: 10

摘要

“小心……他是外国记者。2005年6月,曼彻斯特《卫报》的驻外记者伊恩·特雷纳(Ian Traynor)写了一篇文章,声称“从中国边境到欧盟边境,在过去几年里,广阔的后苏联地区一直处于革命热情的控制之中——这是1989-91年革命之后的第二波民主化浪潮,标志着柏林墙的倒塌。”他指的是分别发生在格鲁吉亚、乌克兰和吉尔吉斯斯坦的“不流血革命”、“和平革命”、“选举革命”、“民主革命”或“颜色革命”。这些民众动乱是基于2000年10月的塞尔维亚选举,当时民主抗议推翻了斯洛博丹·米洛维奇(Slobodan Miloevic)的独裁政权。在塞尔维亚之后,前苏联的民主剧变有一个共同的特点,那就是以选举舞弊为中心,反对派得到西方关键集团的支持。结果,三个后苏联国家都爆发了规模不同的抗议活动。在一段不确定的时期之后,现任总统要么辞职,要么选举结果被推翻,导致反对派成员成为总统所有这些情况都没有流血(尽管在吉尔吉斯斯坦可以看到抢劫),挑战者采用了非暴力策略,现任者也没有呼吁国家安全部队镇压抗议活动。就连反对派领导人也没有预料到街头抗议的规模和持续时间在1989-91年期间,社会主义政府像多米诺骨牌一样倒在民主化的力量面前,西方记者跑到东方向西方提供他们的看法。在当时的苏联领导人米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫(Mikhail Gorbachev)上台后的几年里,媒体不仅关注事态的发展,还发挥了至关重要的作用,因为事态的迅速发展极大地改变了现状。“东方集团”中有影响力的人物——米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫、莱赫·瓦尔萨和瓦茨拉夫·哈维尔——面对“西方”领导人——罗纳德·里根、玛格丽特·撒切尔和教皇约翰·保罗二世——的形象与柏林墙倒塌和布加勒斯特人群暴力推翻罗马尼亚暴君尼古拉·齐奥塞斯库的形象交织在一起。一场由苏联强硬派发动的未遂政变之所以失败,很大程度上是因为媒体向全世界的人讲述了戈尔巴乔夫在福洛斯发生的事情,而叶利钦和政变分子则站在坦克顶上向人群发表讲话。可以说,按照东西方路线排列的世界观更容易理解——至少西方媒体是这样定义的。今天,读者和观众几乎可以尽可能多地了解遥远的、以前无法到达的地方,如格鲁吉亚、乌克兰和吉尔吉斯斯坦。然而,世界的窗口现在更宽了,但透过它看过去可能是混乱和令人困惑的。这些变化的规模不仅对世界各地的记者和新闻机构有影响,而且对他们所描绘的政府和公民也有影响。一些评论家认为,今天西方对待国际新闻的态度混乱,这尤其令人遗憾,因为它忽视了新闻媒体向公众提供重要信息的责任冷战“大叙事”的丧失是造成这种情况的主要原因如果公众对外国新闻不感兴趣,对外国记者来说,使他们的报道更切题、更有趣是一个挑战。从那以后,记者们发展出了准则和规范,不仅指导他们的行为,也指导他们的编辑的行为,从而塑造了新闻报道的内容在像这些革命这样的危机时刻,媒体所扮演的各种角色(监测周围环境,创造集体想象等等)具有其全部意义。因此,在危机时刻,媒体获得了前所未有的自主权。...
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Through an Orange-Colored Lens: Western Media, Constructed Imagery, and Color Revolutions
"Watch out . . . he's a foreign journalist."-From Tintin in the Land of Soviets1IntroductionIn June 2005, Ian Traynor, a foreign correspondent of the Manchester-based newspaper The Guardian, wrote a story claiming that "from the Chinese frontier to the borders of the European Union, the vast post-Soviet space has been in the grip of revolutionary fervour over the past few years-a second wave of democratization after the 1989-91 revolutions symbolized by the fall of the Berlin Wall."2 He was referring to the "bloodless,"3 "peaceful,"4 "electoral,"5 "democratic,"6 or "color revolutions"7 that occurred in Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan, respectively. Those popular upheavals were based on the October 2000 Serbian election, when democratic protests toppled Slobodan Miloevic's authoritarian regime.8After Serbia, the democratic upheavals in the former Soviet Union shared the common feature of being centered on fraudulent elections with an opposition supported by key circles in the West. As a result, protests varying in size broke out in all three post-Soviet countries. Following a period of uncertainty, the incumbent president either resigned from office and/or the election outcome was overturned, resulting in a member of the opposition becoming president.9 All these situations ended without bloodshed (although looting was visible in Kyrgyzstan), the challengers embraced nonviolent tactics, and the incumbents did not call on state-security forces to repress the protests. Not even the opposition leaders predicted the scale and duration of the street protests.10 As in the 1989-91 period when, like falling dominos, socialist governments fell to the forces of democratization, Western journalists ran to the East to offer their perceptions to the West.The media not only watched, they also played a crucial role11 in the years after the then Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev came to power, as rapid developments dramatically changed the status quo. Images of influential figures in the "eastern bloc"-Mikhail Gorbachev, Lech Wal.esa, and Vaclav Havel-facing leaders from the "West"-Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, and Pope John Paul II-were mingled with those of the fall of the Berlin Wall and the Bucharest crowds that violently deposed Romanian tyrant Nicolae Ceausescu.12 In Moscow, an attempted coup by Soviet hard-liners failed in large part because the media was telling everyone around the globe what was happening with Gorbachev in Foros, while Yeltsin and putschists addressed a crowd from the top of a tank.13The perception of the world aligned along East-West lines was, arguably, simpler to understand-at least as defined by the Western press. Today, readers and viewers can know almost as much as they want about distant, formerly inaccessible places such as Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan. However, the window on the world is now wider, but it can be disorderly and confusing to look through it. The dimension of these changes carries implications not only for journalists and news organizations everywhere, but also for the governments and the citizens they portray. Some critics argue that today there is a muddled approach to international news in the West that is especially unfortunate because it ignores the news media's responsibility to provide the public with important information.14 The loss of the "grand-narrative" of the Cold War is highly responsible for this.15 If the public is uninterested in foreign news, it is a challenge to foreign correspondents to make their coverage more relevant and interesting. Correspondents have since developed codes and norms that guide not only their behaviors, but also their editors' behaviors, which therefore shape the content of news stories.16 In moments of crisis such as these revolutions, the dimensions of the various roles played by the media (monitoring the surroundings, creation of collective imagination, and so on) take on its full meaning. In time of crisis, hence, the media acquire a previously unknown autonomy. …
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来源期刊
Demokratizatsiya
Demokratizatsiya Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
1.40
自引率
0.00%
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0
期刊介绍: Occupying a unique niche among literary journals, ANQ is filled with short, incisive research-based articles about the literature of the English-speaking world and the language of literature. Contributors unravel obscure allusions, explain sources and analogues, and supply variant manuscript readings. Also included are Old English word studies, textual emendations, and rare correspondence from neglected archives. The journal is an essential source for professors and students, as well as archivists, bibliographers, biographers, editors, lexicographers, and textual scholars. With subjects from Chaucer and Milton to Fitzgerald and Welty, ANQ delves into the heart of literature.
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