阿根廷和巴西的教训

Q3 Economics, Econometrics and Finance
Cato Journal Pub Date : 2003-03-22 DOI:10.7916/D802922V
Charles W. Calomiris
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Export growth, and hence the need to follow through on trade reform, is just as important a fundamental determinant of debt repayment as discipline over government spending. * Fifth, \"contagion\" among sovereign debtors is selective. Fiscal Imbalance and Monetary Collapse Unlike the United States or the European Union, where an independent central bank determines monetary policy, in most EMs, the policies of central banks are often determined by arithmetic--the arithmetic that requires debts to be monetized, because that is the only way that they can be repaid. When government debt grows too fast, the government is unable to repay debt service with future taxes, and the government forces debt monetization to occur. That problem is at the core of every exchange rate collapse of the recent and distant past. Typically, exchange rate depreciation precedes debt monetization because the markets anticipate the inevitable monetization that will occur. Sometimes, fiscal imbalance does not show itself in government accounts. That was true of Brazil in the 1970s, which used off-balance sheet spending to disguise its fiscal imbalance (Brazil often ran an official fiscal surplus 'alongside high inflation in the 1960s and 1970s). Anticipated banking bailouts (which have been costing upward of 20 percent of GDP in the \"twin-crises\" countries of the past two decades) are the most frequent source of fiscal imbalance in recent crises. But Brazil and Argentina reached their current fiscal difficulties and weak currencies largely in the \"old-fashioned way\"--by failing to rein in measured government spending programs. In Argentina, government spending grew substantially in the final years of the Menem administration, despite the crescendo of criticism of the debt run-up and the visible need to reform the infamous \"coparticipation\" system that hampered fiscal reform. 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引用次数: 15

摘要

我们从阿根廷和巴西的主权债务危机中学到了什么?美国和国际货币基金组织(imf)能做些什么(如果有的话)来修复损害,并避免其他地方出现类似的问题?我想强调五个政策教训:*首先,在新兴市场国家(EMs),货币政策——或者说汇率政策——往往受到政府支出融资需求的制约,这是汇率最终崩溃的基础。第二,即使是监管良好的银行体系也极易受到财政失衡风险的影响。*第三,IMF需要在必要时停止干预以防止主权违约。*第四,主权债务与GDP之比无法充分反映新兴市场的债务能力。出口增长,以及因此需要坚持贸易改革,是债务偿还的一个基本决定因素,与政府支出纪律同样重要。*第五,主权债务国之间的“传染”是有选择性的。与由独立的中央银行决定货币政策的美国或欧盟不同,在大多数新兴市场中,中央银行的政策通常是由算术决定的——算术要求债务货币化,因为这是偿还债务的唯一途径。当政府债务增长过快时,政府无法用未来的税收偿还债务,政府就会迫使债务货币化。这个问题是最近和很久以前每一次汇率崩溃的核心问题。通常,汇率贬值先于债务货币化,因为市场预期货币化将不可避免地发生。有时,财政失衡不会在政府账户中体现出来。上世纪70年代的巴西就是这样,它利用表外支出来掩盖财政失衡(上世纪60年代和70年代,巴西经常在高通胀的同时出现官方财政盈余)。预期的银行救助(在过去二十年的“双重危机”国家中,这已经花费了GDP的20%以上)是最近危机中财政失衡最常见的来源。但巴西和阿根廷目前的财政困难和货币疲软主要是通过“老办法”解决的,即未能控制有节制的政府支出计划。在阿根廷,政府支出在梅内姆(Menem)执政的最后几年大幅增长,尽管对债务飙升的批评越来越多,而且显然需要改革阻碍财政改革的臭名昭著的“共同参与”制度。尽管出口缺乏足够的增长,但这些债务几乎全部以硬通货计价。在这些国家和其他国家,自由化周期的财政方面似乎遵循着一条熟悉的道路:自由化和私有化为政府带来新的收入,并对国内生产总值、政府收入和出口的未来增长产生热烈的期望;市场对改革的信心降低了私营部门和公共部门获得外国资本的成本;新兴市场政府无法抗拒赤字,但财政失衡会加剧,并最终追上它们。最初,对这一事实的反应是否认,在多边贷款机构(不仅是国际货币基金组织)的帮助下——里卡多·豪斯曼被著名的拉美债务市场市场分析师沃尔特·莫拉诺(Walter Molano)描述为上世纪90年代中后期阿根廷政府债务的首席推销员,当时豪斯曼是美洲开发银行(IDB)的首席经济学家。然后,国际货币基金组织的“计划”规模扩大,与此同时,国际货币基金组织坚持以反增长的增税作为提供“稳定”的回报。此时,债券收益率上升,市场“分析师”基本上变成了政治预测者:“这种债务互换能给我带来短期利润吗?”…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Lessons from Argentina and Brazil
What have we learned from the sovereign debt crises in Argentina and Brazil, and what can the United States and the International Monetary Fund do, if anything, to repair the damage, and to avoid similar problems elsewhere? Policy Lessons I would emphasize five policy lessons: * First, in emerging market countries (EMs), monetary policy--or, what amounts to the same thing, exchange rate policy--is often constrained by the need to finance government spending, which underlies the eventual collapse of the exchange rate. * Second, even well-regulated banking systems are highly vulnerable to the risks of fiscal imbalance. * Third, the IMF needs to stop intervening to prevent sovereign defaults when they are necessary. * Fourth, EM debt capacity cannot be captured adequately by the ratio of sovereign debt to GDP. Export growth, and hence the need to follow through on trade reform, is just as important a fundamental determinant of debt repayment as discipline over government spending. * Fifth, "contagion" among sovereign debtors is selective. Fiscal Imbalance and Monetary Collapse Unlike the United States or the European Union, where an independent central bank determines monetary policy, in most EMs, the policies of central banks are often determined by arithmetic--the arithmetic that requires debts to be monetized, because that is the only way that they can be repaid. When government debt grows too fast, the government is unable to repay debt service with future taxes, and the government forces debt monetization to occur. That problem is at the core of every exchange rate collapse of the recent and distant past. Typically, exchange rate depreciation precedes debt monetization because the markets anticipate the inevitable monetization that will occur. Sometimes, fiscal imbalance does not show itself in government accounts. That was true of Brazil in the 1970s, which used off-balance sheet spending to disguise its fiscal imbalance (Brazil often ran an official fiscal surplus 'alongside high inflation in the 1960s and 1970s). Anticipated banking bailouts (which have been costing upward of 20 percent of GDP in the "twin-crises" countries of the past two decades) are the most frequent source of fiscal imbalance in recent crises. But Brazil and Argentina reached their current fiscal difficulties and weak currencies largely in the "old-fashioned way"--by failing to rein in measured government spending programs. In Argentina, government spending grew substantially in the final years of the Menem administration, despite the crescendo of criticism of the debt run-up and the visible need to reform the infamous "coparticipation" system that hampered fiscal reform. And that debt was almost entirely denominated in hard currency, despite the lack of adequate growth in exports. The fiscal side of the liberalization cycle in these and other countries seems to follow a familiar path: liberalization and privatization result in new revenues for government and ebullient expectations about future growth in GDP, government revenues, and exports; market confidence in reform lowers the cost of accessing foreign capital for both the private sector and the public sector; EM governments cannot resist running deficits, but the fiscal imbalance grows and eventually catches up with them. Initially, the response to this fact is denial, with assistance from multilateral lenders (and not only at the IMF--Ricardo Hausman was described by Walter Molano, a prominent market analyst of Latin American debt markets, as the lead salesman for Argentine government debt in the mid-to-late 1990s, when Hausman was chief economist at the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). Then, the IMF "programs" grow in size, along with the anti-growth tax hikes that the IMF insists upon in return for providing "stability." At this point, debt yields rise and market "analysts" become largely political forecasters: "Will this debt swap provide a short-run profit for me? …
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Cato Journal
Cato Journal Economics, Econometrics and Finance-Economics, Econometrics and Finance (miscellaneous)
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