欧盟:熊彼特式的民主模式

Markus Pausch
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引用次数: 1

摘要

关于欧盟所谓的民主赤字,讨论最多的一个方面是缺乏欧洲公共领域。欧盟的民主被其公民认为是熊彼特式的,这种看法在很大程度上与现实相符。熊彼特把民主主义描述为“政治家的统治”,他在对选票的自由竞争中获得决策权。议会的作用并不重要;它更多的是通过接受而不是主动来决定。公民既不能提出问题,也不能决定问题。欧盟确实是这种模式的理想平台,因为它很复杂,技术官僚主义,而且相当不透明。欧洲一体化过去是,现在仍然是一个精英主导的项目,公民在立法期间没有太多的干预机会。多年来,政治精英的合意行为阻碍了欧洲公共领域广泛辩论和冲突的出现。直到最近几年,政治家们才试图通过强调欧洲公民的重要性来扭转局面。召开了一次会议来制定宪法条约。但辩论再次由精英主导。各国政府首脑最终在不听取公民意见的情况下签署了另一项精英妥协方案。因此,2005年法国和荷兰对《宪法条约》(Constitutional Treaty)的否决是精英主义和熊彼特式民主模式的结果,而新的《里斯本改革条约》使这种模式得以延续。因此,建立欧洲公共领域的主张仍然具有现实意义。但学者们对这样一个领域的定义不同。本文的论点是,除了经常声称的欧洲辩论的欧洲化和跨国化之外,广泛冲突的概念对于欧洲公共领域的出现也非常重要。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The European Union: A Schumpeterian Model of Democracy
One of the most discussed aspects of the so called democratic deficit of the EU is the lack of a European Public Sphere. The Union's democracy is perceived by its citizens as Schumpeterian in nature and this perception corresponds to a large extent to reality. Schumpeter described democracy as the rule of the politician, who gains decision making power in the free competition over votes. The parliament's role is of minor importance; it decides more by acceptance than by initiative. Citizens can neither bring up the issues nor decide them. The European Union is indeed an ideal platform for such a model, because it is complicated, technocratic and rather opaque. European integration was and still is an elite-dominated project, where citizens do not have many possibilities to intervene during legislation-periods. Over many years, the consensual behaviour of the political elites hindered the emergence of broad debate and of conflict in a European Public Sphere. Only in the last years, politicians tried to turn the table by stressing the importance of the European citizens. A convention was installed to work out a Constitutional Treaty. But once again, the debate remained elite-dominated. The heads of governments finally signed another elitist compromise without listening to the citizens. In consequence, the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in France and the Netherlands in 2005 is the result of an elitist and Schumpeterian model of democracy which is perpetuated by the new reform treaty of Lisbon. Thus, the claim for a European public sphere remains relevant. But scholars differently define such a sphere. The argument of this paper is that besides the often claimed Europeanization and transnationalisation of European debate the notion of broad conflict is of high importance for the emergence of a European public sphere.
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