当选的godillot ?: 1981-1982年国有化的社会主义代表

Q2 Arts and Humanities
Mathieu Fulla
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引用次数: 1

摘要

西方民主国家的总统制是战后政治史上的一个重要趋势,尤其是在法国。但是,虽然行政权力的加强缩小了立法部门的影响范围,但它并没有完全消除它。通过研究1981-1982年由法国社会党政府支持的法国国有化法的起源,本文挑战了社会主义“应应者”完全服从弗朗索瓦·密特朗“帝王式总统”的陈词滥调。他们在意识形态上的失败,驱散了第五共和国时期左翼独有的制度性实践的幻想。从经济角度来看,这也预示着那些忠实于“强大国家”的人将被边缘化,在过去十年中,大多数当选的社会主义者都以“改变生活”的名义支持这一概念。法国:西方民主国家的总统选举构成了法国政治历史的一种趋势。在行政执法方面,我们将在法律和法律方面进行比较,而在法律和法律方面进行比较。在1981-1982年,这篇文章微妙地描述了弗朗索瓦·密特朗“帝国总统”的形象。我们的默认意识形态是我们的幻想,我们的制度是我们的理想,我们的共和是我们的共和。“自由经济”是平等的,“自愿主义”是边缘化的,“精英社会主义者”不是富裕的,“生活的变革者”是富裕的,“政治的变革者”是富裕的,“政治的变革者”是富裕的,“政治的变革者”是富裕的,“政治的变革者”是富裕的。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Des élus godillots?: Les députés socialistes face aux nationalisations de 1981-1982
EnglishThe presidentialisation of Western democracies is a significant trend of post-war political history, notably in France. But although the strengthening of executive power has narrowed the reach of the legislative branch, it has not eliminated it completely. By studying the genesis of the 1981-1982 French Nationalisation Law championed by the French Socialist government, this article challenges the cliche of Socialist “yes-men” entirely submissive to Francois Mitterrand’s “imperial presidency”. Their ideological defeat dispels the illusion of an institutional practice during the Fifth Republic that was unique to the Left. From an economic perspective, it also foreshadowed the marginalisation of those faithful to a “strong state”, a concept that had been supported by most elected Socialists, in the name of the “Changer la vie” platform during the previous decade. francaisLa presidentialisation des democraties occidentales constitue une tendance lourde de l’histoire politique de l’apres-guerre, notamment en France. Mais ce renforcement de l’executif, s’il comprime les marges de jeu du pouvoir legislatif, ne les fait pas disparaitre. En etudiant la genese de la loi de nationalisation de 1981-1982, cet article nuance l’image d’« elus godillots » soumis a la « presidence imperiale » de Francois Mitterrand. Leur defaite ideologique balaie toutefois l’illusion d’une pratique institutionnelle propre a la gauche sous la Cinquieme Republique. Elle annonce egalement, en matiere economique, la marginalisation du volontarisme etatique, dont la plupart des elites socialistes, au nom du « Changer la vie », se faisaient les apotres dans la decennie precedente.
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