塞尔维亚转型文化政策的社会分裂和身份工程

IF 0.2 0 ART
Vesna Djukic
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引用次数: 0

摘要

从与政府的关系出发,我们将社会划分为:非体制的?和机构?独立?和依赖?塞尔维亚文化生活的行动者及其在过渡文化体系的四个家庭中的相互作用。由于与文化上的自我管理相似,我们通过两个时间点来观察这一现象,这两个时间点代表了基于统治者的政治、法律和财政权威的文化政策实施的转折点。根据选举结果获得的权利。实证研究基于对塞尔维亚过渡文化政策参与者的访谈,以及对互联网呈现和媒体文本内容的语境化。除了比较分析之外,一个nor?《塞尔维亚文化部与独立文化界合作议定书》?(2011)也适用,这是一个骗局?文化霸权与认同工程在文化政策的替代模式下的确立——国家双重主义。研究结果表明,2011年的这种替代模式阻碍了法律定义的决策制度,因为法律没有规定将决策权移交给独立的机构;根据发展中国家的国家弱点指数,独立国家没有意识到对一个弱国的灾难性后果负有共同责任;它利用过渡文化政策的弱点,通过排除文化中不受欢迎的价值体系,特别是那些承载塞尔维亚文化特性的价值体系,为自己和有关组织谋取利益。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Social divisions and identity engineering of transitional cultural policy in Serbia
Starting from the relationship to the government, we study the social division into ?off-institutional? and ?institutional?, ?independent? and ?dependent? actors of cultural life in Serbia and their mutual interactions within the four families of the transitional cultural system. Due to the similarity with self-management in culture, we observe the phenomenon through two time points that represent turning points in the conduct of cultural policy based on the political, legal and financial authority of the govern?ment acquired on the basis of election results. Empirical research is based on interviews with actors of transitional cultural policy in Serbia and contextualization of the content of internet presentations and media texts. In addition to the comparative analysis, a nor?mative analysis of the document ?Protocol on cooperation between the Ministry of Culture and the Independent Cultural Scene of Serbia? (2011) was also applied, which is a con?firmation of cultural hegemony and identity engineering by the alternative model of cultural policy ?state double?. The results of the research showed that this alternative model in 2011 obstructed the decision-making system defined by law which does not provide for the transfer of decision-making authority to an independent body; that the independent scene is not aware of the joint responsibility for the disastrous results of a weak state according to the Index of states weaknesses in the developing world; that it uses the weaknesses of the transitional cultural policy in order to achieve benefits for itself and related organizations by excluding undesirable value systems in culture, especially those that are the bearers of Serbian cultural identity.
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