国王和总统:自罗斯福以来的沙特阿拉伯和美国

Q1 Social Sciences
F. Lawson
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引用次数: 0

摘要

阿拉伯和平倡议仍然被认为是结束冲突的正确途径,但几乎没有投入外交努力来说服或迫使以色列人接受它。第三,另一个主要的地区大国土耳其未能向海湾合作委员会成员国提供它们所需要的安全保证。与伊朗一样,土耳其也是一个非阿拉伯地区大国,但与德黑兰不同的是,安卡拉是一个逊尼派占多数的国家。考虑到奥斯曼帝国的遗产和总统Erdoğan对穆斯林兄弟会的支持,沙特阿拉伯和阿联酋从未信任过土耳其。此外,安卡拉与多哈的密切关系进一步加剧了利雅得和阿布扎比的不信任。一些海湾合作委员会国家和土耳其之间的裂痕使以色列成为一个地区大国,可以保护海湾阿拉伯人免受伊朗的威胁。第四,正如琼斯和古赞斯基正确指出的那样,并非所有海湾合作委员会国家都将伊朗视为敌人。卡塔尔与伊朗共享世界上最大的天然气结构——伊朗的South Pars和卡塔尔的North Field。因此,多哈与德黑兰一直保持着良好的睦邻关系。同样,马斯喀特与德黑兰共享霍尔木兹海峡,两国一直享有良好的工作关系。与此同时,科威特一直寻求在利雅得、德黑兰和巴格达之间取得平衡。卡塔尔为一方,沙特阿拉伯、阿联酋和巴林(以及埃及)为另一方,这意味着海湾阿拉伯国家在伊朗问题上没有统一立场。第五,尽管一些海湾合作委员会成员国与以色列之间的关系日益升温,但人们可以说,要让海湾合作委员会成员国接受以色列,还需要做更多的工作。换句话说,在与以色列关系正常化问题上,一些阿拉伯政权似乎走在了本国人民的前面。目前还没有准确的民意调查来调查海湾合作委员会成员国人民对与以色列实现关系正常化的看法。需要更多的努力向国民推销正常化。兄弟的敌人给读者一个全面的背景,以以色列关系的历史和探讨双方之间的主要问题。琼斯和古赞斯基提到了双方日益加强合作的战略意义。2020年的最后几个月见证了一些重要的事态发展,这些事态发展不仅可能对以色列和海湾合作委员会国家产生积极或消极的影响,而且可能对整个中东地区产生影响。这些发展包括在阿联酋、巴林和以色列之间建立全面的外交和经济关系;乔·拜登当选美国总统;以及以色列和伊朗之间日益增长的敌意。这些发展将如何发展还有待观察。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Kings and Presidents: Saudi Arabia and the United States since FDR
the Arab Peace Initiative is still presented as the correct path to end the conflict, but very little diplomatic efforts have been invested to convince or pressure the Israelis to accept it. Third, Turkey, the other major regional power, has not been able to provide the GCC states with the security assurances they need. Like Iran, Turkey is a non-Arab regional power, but, unlike Tehran, Ankara is a Sunni-majority state. Given the Ottoman legacy and President Erdoğan’s support of the Muslim Brotherhood, Saudi Arabia and the UAE have never trusted Turkey. Furthermore, Ankara’s close ties to Doha has further fueled Riyadh and Abu Dhabi’s mistrust. This rift between some GCC states and Turkey has positioned Israel as a regional power that can protect the Gulf Arabs from perceived Iranian threat. Fourth, as Jones and Guzansky rightly point out, not all GCC states perceive Iran as an enemy. Qatar shares the largest natural gas structure in the world –– the South Pars in Iran and North Field in Qatar ––with Iran. Accordingly, Doha has always maintained good neighborly relations with Tehran. Similarly, Muscat shares the Strait of Hormuz with Tehran, and the two nations have always enjoyed good working relations. Meanwhile, Kuwait has always sought to strike a balance between Riyadh, Tehran, and Baghdad. The rift between Qatar, on one side, and Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Bahrain (along with Egypt), on the other, means there is no unified Gulf Arab stance on Iran. Fifth, despite the increasingly warming ties between some GCC rulers and Israel, one can argue that more work is needed to get GCC societies to accept Israel. Stated differently, it seems that some Arab regimes are ahead of their people when it comes to normalizing relations with Israel. There are no accurate polls to survey how people in the GCC states feel about normalizing relations with the Jewish state. More efforts are needed to sell normalization to the public. Fraternal Enemies gives the reader a comprehensive background to the history of GCCIsrael ties and explores the main issues between the two sides. Jones and Guzansky make references to the strategic implications of this growing cooperation between the two sides. The last few months of 2020 have witnessed a number of significant developments that are likely to, positively or negatively, impact not only Israel and the GCC states, but the entire Middle East. These developments include establishing full diplomatic and economic ties between the UAE, Bahrain, and Israel; the election of Joe Biden as president of the United States; and the growing animosity between Israel and Iran. How these developments will play out is yet to be seen.
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来源期刊
Journal of Arabian Studies
Journal of Arabian Studies Social Sciences-Cultural Studies
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