俄罗斯联邦制制度设计:三个共和国的比较研究鞑靼斯坦,达吉斯坦和车臣

Q2 Social Sciences
S. Kaloudıs
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引用次数: 5

摘要

在过去的十年中,联邦制在很大程度上允许俄罗斯通过赋予各地区不同程度的自治权来暂时避免民族分裂主义。接下来的问题是,为什么在某些非俄罗斯地区,特别是根据这种联邦制安排加入莫斯科的鞑靼斯坦共和国和达吉斯坦共和国,这种做法成功了,而其他民族和国家,尤其是车臣人,却在推动分离和暴力。此外,不稳定是一个种族多样化的联邦所固有的,还是可以就权力的崩溃达成协议,以安抚所有有关各方?在苏联总统米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫(Mikhail Gorbachev)辞职后,俄罗斯的残余政权失去了统治一个中央控制的帝国的强制和说服能力。相反,留给俄罗斯民众的是一个分散的国家,缺乏连贯的民族认同和民族精神正如丹尼尔·肯普顿(Daniel Kempton)和其他人所表明的那样,苏联的解体让“……种族民族主义、宗教仇恨和地区私利的离心力。俄罗斯社会中业已存在的深刻的种族和经济分裂进一步加剧,鲍里斯·叶利钦总统与拥有管理国家法律权力的俄罗斯最高苏维埃领导人之间正在进行的政治拉锯战。叶利钦试图建立内部联盟来反对这个立法机构,他与各组成共和国就其可获得的自治权达成了许多协议此时,他向各共和国发表了现在臭名昭著的、后来灾难性的声明:“尽可能地攫取所有主权。”1994年至1998年间,联邦政府与89个地区中的46个签署了42项权力分享条约在许多情况下,联邦政府在经济和政治领域把有利可图的特权让给了地方州长。本文中的历史案例研究描述了政治精英之间的人际关系如何在不对称的发展中发挥关键作用,从而导致鞑靼斯坦、达吉斯坦和车臣内部冲突的发生或避免。此外,通过关注机构设置的不稳定演变,所讨论的路径显示了如何利用联邦主义框架内的政治和经济激励将所有地区和共和国纳入一个统一的国家这一过程表明,不对称可能造成灾难性后果的残余因素可以大大减少,并被政治和经济动机所取代,从而将这些地区纳入主导政权。联邦主义的定义少数民族共和国试图主张更大的主权控制所引发的连锁反应,导致了政府统治日益分散和混乱。这一进程考验了俄罗斯联邦内部新的、尽管含糊不清的权力划分规则的限度。当局几乎没有指导,因为苏联的联邦设计更多的是纸面上的形象结构,而不是实践的现实。其结果是,尽管联邦制的概念和应用似乎是俄罗斯国家的自然设计,但其实施却充满了半途而废。尽管如此,由于其幅员辽阔;该地区的经济、气候和地理多样性;大量的土著人民构成了它的多民族性质,联邦制是必要的。联邦制允许政治精英在单一的总体治理结构下和平地整合不同的种族群体和国家然而,目前的问题是需要什么样的平衡来满足不同地区和共和国的不同要求。不幸的是,正如Dmitry Gorenburg报道的那样,苏联试图建立联邦制的持久遗产之一是在苏联解体后创造了强大的、次民族的、以种族为动机的身份认同,要求领土、独立和资源。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Institutional Design of Russian Federalism: A Comparative Study of Three Republics; Tatarstan, Dagestan, and Chechnya
IntroductionOver the course of the past decade federalism has, for the most part, allowed Russia to temporarily stave off ethnically motivated separatism by granting varying levels of autonomy to the regions. The question follows as to why this has worked successfully in certain non-Russian areas, specifically the republics of Tatarstan and Dagestan, which have joined with Moscow under this federalist arrangement, while other ethnic groups and states, most notably the Chechens, have pushed for secession and violence. Moreover, is instability inherent to an ethnically diverse federation or can agreement on the breakdown of power be achieved that will pacify all parties involved?Following the resignation of Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev, the Russian rump state lost the coercive and persuasive ability to rule a centrally controlled empire. Instead, the Russian masses were bequeathed a decentralized nation devoid of a coherent national identity and ethos.1 As Daniel Kempton and others show, the collapse of the Soviet Union let loose ". . . the centrifugal forces of ethnic nationalism, religious animosity, and regional self-interest."2 Adding to the exacerbation of the already deep ethnic and economic cleavages present in Russian society was the political tug-of-war developing between President Boris Yeltsin and the leaders of the Russian Supreme Soviet, who possessed the legal authority to run the country. In his attempt to build internal alliances against this legislative body, Yeltsin brokered numerous deals with the constituent republics over the levels of autonomy they could acquire.3 At this time, he uttered the now infamous and subsequently disastrous statement to the republics, "grab all the sovereignty you can."4 Between 1994 and 1998, the federal government signed forty-two power sharing treaties with forty-six of the eighty-nine regions.5 In many instances, the federal government ceded lucrative privileges within the economic and political arena to the local governors.The historical case studies within this article depict how interpersonal relations among the political elite played a key role in the development of asymmetry leading to either the occurrence or avoidance of conflict within Tatarstan, Dagestan, and Chechnya. Furthermore, by focusing on the erratic evolution of the institutional set up, the path discussed shows how political and economic incentives within a federalist framework can be used to incorporate all regions and republics into a unified state.6 The process denotes how the would-be disastrous remnants of asymmetry can be substantially reduced and replaced with political and economic motivators to incorporate the regions into the dominant regime.Federalism DefinedThe ripple effect set off by the attempts of the ethnic republics to assert greater sovereign control caused an ever-increasing move toward decentralization and confusion across the reigns of government. This process tested the limits of the new, however ambiguous, rules of power demarcation within the Russian Federation. Authorities had little guidance considering the federal design of the Soviet Union was more of a figurative construct on paper rather than a practiced reality. The result is that although the concept and application of federalism seems to be a natural design for the Russian state, its implementation has been full of half measures.Nonetheless, due to the vastness of its territory; the economic, climatic, and geographic diversity of its regions; and the great numbers of indigenous peoples that comprise its multiethnic nature, federalism is a necessity. Federalism allows the political elite to peacefully integrate different ethnic groups and states under a single overarching governing structure.7 The issue at hand, however, is what type of balance is necessary to placate the varying demands from different regions and republics. Unfortunately, as Dmitry Gorenburg reports, one of the lasting legacies of Soviet attempts at federalism was the creation of strong, sub-national, ethnically motivated identities with claims to territory, independence, and resources after the USSR's collapse. …
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来源期刊
Demokratizatsiya
Demokratizatsiya Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
1.40
自引率
0.00%
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0
期刊介绍: Occupying a unique niche among literary journals, ANQ is filled with short, incisive research-based articles about the literature of the English-speaking world and the language of literature. Contributors unravel obscure allusions, explain sources and analogues, and supply variant manuscript readings. Also included are Old English word studies, textual emendations, and rare correspondence from neglected archives. The journal is an essential source for professors and students, as well as archivists, bibliographers, biographers, editors, lexicographers, and textual scholars. With subjects from Chaucer and Milton to Fitzgerald and Welty, ANQ delves into the heart of literature.
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