{"title":"持久变革的问题:格鲁吉亚和乌克兰的公民社会和颜色革命","authors":"Nicklaus Laverty","doi":"10.3200/DEMO.16.2.143-162","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Civil society played a vital role in the colored revolutions of Georgia and Ukraine, exemplified by the activism of the youth groups Kmara and Pora. As democratic reform has stalled, however, these groups have found themselves increasingly marginalized because of the reemergence of authoritarian practices and elites. Only the renewed inclusion of civil society can restore the democratization process. Keywords: civil society, colored revolutions, democratization, protest, public sphere, social movements ********** Since the collape of the Soviet Union, popular mobilization has played a key part in effecting change in the post-Soviet states. The first instances were seen during the collapse of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, epitomized by the activism of Solidarity in Poland, but as post-Soviet states disappointed expectations of democratic change, such activism has been redirected at the successor regimes, often to great effect. The most recent events that fit this description have been generally referred to as the \"colored revolutions,\" arguably inaugurated with the electoral revolutions in Bulgaria (1996-97), Slovakia and Croatia (1998-99), and the nonviolent ouster of Slobodan Milosevic in Serbia in 2000. (1) Partly inspired by the Serbian example, nonviolent regime changes occurred in Georgia in 2003 (the Rose Revolution), Ukraine in 2004-05 (the Orange Revolution), and Kyrgyzstan in 2005 (the Tulip Revolution). There were also unsuccessful attempts in Uzbekistan and Belarus in 2005 and 2006. These events have captured the attention and imagination of many international observers, who have speculated that the colored revolutions might represent the beginning of a new wave of democratization. This article's purpose is twofold. First, I examine the role of social movements and civil society in sparking the colored revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine, focusing specifically on the activities of the youth groups Kmara (\"Enough\") and Pora (\"It's Time\"). Most conventional accounts of the two revolutions focus primarily on the proximate causes (fraud, corruption, etc.) or the nature of the organized political opposition, spending less time on the strategies and tactics employed by civil society and social-movement actors. I will use new social movement theory to explore how these groups took advantage of political opportunities, acquired and used repertoires of contention, and interacted with conventional actors and the media. This requires examining how the post-Soviet period shaped the revolutions' political context. Second, I look at each revolution's aftermath to determine how successful each has been in promoting effective change. Both Georgia and Ukraine experienced problems with democratization because of the new regime's actions while in office (Georgia) or the resurgence of the previous authoritarian elites (Ukraine). It is important to account for these difficulties, and determine what role (if any) civil society has played in the post-colored revolution political environment. If accounts of the revolutions rely too heavily on analysis of the regime and the opposition, this interpretation is even more prevalent in postrevolution political developments. Does this empirical silence mean civil society is no longer seeking an active role in the political process or does it mean that the state is actively excluding civil society from playing such a role? Could it indicate that the revolutionary governments have effectively coopted civil society, absorbing it into political society? I aim to answer these questions to create a more complex picture of the type of change that has resulted from the colored revolutions. Theoretical Framework This article, and the theoretical framework that undergirds it, is divided into two parts--prerevolution and postrevolution. Examining the prerevolution situations in Georgia and Ukraine, I use the new social movement theory, as characterized by Sidney Tarrow's book Power in Movement, to provide a framework for understanding popular and political mobilization and how such mobilization can effect political change. …","PeriodicalId":39667,"journal":{"name":"Demokratizatsiya","volume":"24 1","pages":"143-162"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2008-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"18","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Problem of Lasting Change: Civil Society and the Colored Revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine\",\"authors\":\"Nicklaus Laverty\",\"doi\":\"10.3200/DEMO.16.2.143-162\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Abstract: Civil society played a vital role in the colored revolutions of Georgia and Ukraine, exemplified by the activism of the youth groups Kmara and Pora. As democratic reform has stalled, however, these groups have found themselves increasingly marginalized because of the reemergence of authoritarian practices and elites. Only the renewed inclusion of civil society can restore the democratization process. Keywords: civil society, colored revolutions, democratization, protest, public sphere, social movements ********** Since the collape of the Soviet Union, popular mobilization has played a key part in effecting change in the post-Soviet states. The first instances were seen during the collapse of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, epitomized by the activism of Solidarity in Poland, but as post-Soviet states disappointed expectations of democratic change, such activism has been redirected at the successor regimes, often to great effect. The most recent events that fit this description have been generally referred to as the \\\"colored revolutions,\\\" arguably inaugurated with the electoral revolutions in Bulgaria (1996-97), Slovakia and Croatia (1998-99), and the nonviolent ouster of Slobodan Milosevic in Serbia in 2000. (1) Partly inspired by the Serbian example, nonviolent regime changes occurred in Georgia in 2003 (the Rose Revolution), Ukraine in 2004-05 (the Orange Revolution), and Kyrgyzstan in 2005 (the Tulip Revolution). There were also unsuccessful attempts in Uzbekistan and Belarus in 2005 and 2006. These events have captured the attention and imagination of many international observers, who have speculated that the colored revolutions might represent the beginning of a new wave of democratization. This article's purpose is twofold. First, I examine the role of social movements and civil society in sparking the colored revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine, focusing specifically on the activities of the youth groups Kmara (\\\"Enough\\\") and Pora (\\\"It's Time\\\"). Most conventional accounts of the two revolutions focus primarily on the proximate causes (fraud, corruption, etc.) or the nature of the organized political opposition, spending less time on the strategies and tactics employed by civil society and social-movement actors. I will use new social movement theory to explore how these groups took advantage of political opportunities, acquired and used repertoires of contention, and interacted with conventional actors and the media. This requires examining how the post-Soviet period shaped the revolutions' political context. Second, I look at each revolution's aftermath to determine how successful each has been in promoting effective change. Both Georgia and Ukraine experienced problems with democratization because of the new regime's actions while in office (Georgia) or the resurgence of the previous authoritarian elites (Ukraine). It is important to account for these difficulties, and determine what role (if any) civil society has played in the post-colored revolution political environment. If accounts of the revolutions rely too heavily on analysis of the regime and the opposition, this interpretation is even more prevalent in postrevolution political developments. Does this empirical silence mean civil society is no longer seeking an active role in the political process or does it mean that the state is actively excluding civil society from playing such a role? Could it indicate that the revolutionary governments have effectively coopted civil society, absorbing it into political society? I aim to answer these questions to create a more complex picture of the type of change that has resulted from the colored revolutions. Theoretical Framework This article, and the theoretical framework that undergirds it, is divided into two parts--prerevolution and postrevolution. Examining the prerevolution situations in Georgia and Ukraine, I use the new social movement theory, as characterized by Sidney Tarrow's book Power in Movement, to provide a framework for understanding popular and political mobilization and how such mobilization can effect political change. …\",\"PeriodicalId\":39667,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Demokratizatsiya\",\"volume\":\"24 1\",\"pages\":\"143-162\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2008-04-01\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"18\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Demokratizatsiya\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.3200/DEMO.16.2.143-162\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q2\",\"JCRName\":\"Social Sciences\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Demokratizatsiya","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.3200/DEMO.16.2.143-162","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"Social Sciences","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 18
摘要
摘要:公民社会在格鲁吉亚和乌克兰的颜色革命中发挥了至关重要的作用,以青年团体Kmara和Pora的激进主义为代表。然而,随着民主改革的停滞,这些群体发现自己越来越被边缘化,因为专制做法和精英的重新出现。只有重新纳入民间社会,才能恢复民主化进程。关键词:公民社会,颜色革命,民主化,抗议,公共领域,社会运动**********自苏联解体以来,民众动员在影响后苏联国家的变革中发挥了关键作用。第一个例子出现在苏联政权在东欧解体期间,以波兰团结工会的激进主义为代表,但随着后苏联国家辜负了人们对民主变革的期望,这种激进主义又被转向了继任政权,往往产生了巨大的影响。最近符合这一描述的事件通常被称为“颜色革命”,可以说是由保加利亚(1996-97)、斯洛伐克和克罗地亚(1998-99)的选举革命以及2000年塞尔维亚非暴力驱逐斯洛博丹·米洛舍维奇(Slobodan Milosevic)开始的。(1)部分受塞尔维亚例子的启发,2003年格鲁吉亚(玫瑰革命)、2004- 2005年乌克兰(橙色革命)和2005年吉尔吉斯斯坦(郁金香革命)发生了非暴力政权更迭。2005年和2006年在乌兹别克斯坦和白俄罗斯也有过失败的尝试。这些事件引起了许多国际观察家的注意和想象,他们推测,颜色革命可能代表着新一轮民主化浪潮的开始。这篇文章的目的是双重的。首先,我考察了社会运动和公民社会在引发格鲁吉亚和乌克兰的颜色革命中的作用,特别关注青年团体Kmara (Enough)和Pora (It's Time)的活动。大多数关于这两次革命的传统描述主要集中在直接原因(欺诈、腐败等)或有组织的政治反对派的性质上,而较少关注民间社会和社会运动参与者所采用的战略和战术。我将使用新的社会运动理论来探索这些群体如何利用政治机会,获得和使用争论的剧目,并与传统演员和媒体互动。这需要研究后苏联时期是如何塑造革命的政治背景的。其次,我考察了每一次革命的后果,以确定每一次革命在促进有效变革方面取得了多大的成功。格鲁吉亚和乌克兰都经历了民主化问题,因为新政权在执政期间的行为(格鲁吉亚)或以前的威权精英的复兴(乌克兰)。重要的是要考虑到这些困难,并确定公民社会在后颜色革命的政治环境中扮演了什么角色(如果有的话)。如果说对革命的描述过于依赖于对政权和反对派的分析,那么这种解释在革命后的政治发展中甚至更为普遍。这种经验主义的沉默是否意味着公民社会不再寻求在政治进程中发挥积极作用,还是意味着国家正在积极地排除公民社会发挥这种作用?这是否表明革命政府有效地吸纳了公民社会,将其纳入政治社会?我的目的是回答这些问题,以创造一幅更复杂的关于颜色革命所带来的变化类型的图景。本文以及支撑本文的理论框架分为两个部分——前进化和后进化。考察格鲁吉亚和乌克兰革命前的情况,我使用西德尼·塔罗(Sidney Tarrow)的著作《运动中的权力》(Power in movement)所描述的新社会运动理论,为理解民众和政治动员以及这种动员如何影响政治变革提供了一个框架。…
The Problem of Lasting Change: Civil Society and the Colored Revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine
Abstract: Civil society played a vital role in the colored revolutions of Georgia and Ukraine, exemplified by the activism of the youth groups Kmara and Pora. As democratic reform has stalled, however, these groups have found themselves increasingly marginalized because of the reemergence of authoritarian practices and elites. Only the renewed inclusion of civil society can restore the democratization process. Keywords: civil society, colored revolutions, democratization, protest, public sphere, social movements ********** Since the collape of the Soviet Union, popular mobilization has played a key part in effecting change in the post-Soviet states. The first instances were seen during the collapse of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, epitomized by the activism of Solidarity in Poland, but as post-Soviet states disappointed expectations of democratic change, such activism has been redirected at the successor regimes, often to great effect. The most recent events that fit this description have been generally referred to as the "colored revolutions," arguably inaugurated with the electoral revolutions in Bulgaria (1996-97), Slovakia and Croatia (1998-99), and the nonviolent ouster of Slobodan Milosevic in Serbia in 2000. (1) Partly inspired by the Serbian example, nonviolent regime changes occurred in Georgia in 2003 (the Rose Revolution), Ukraine in 2004-05 (the Orange Revolution), and Kyrgyzstan in 2005 (the Tulip Revolution). There were also unsuccessful attempts in Uzbekistan and Belarus in 2005 and 2006. These events have captured the attention and imagination of many international observers, who have speculated that the colored revolutions might represent the beginning of a new wave of democratization. This article's purpose is twofold. First, I examine the role of social movements and civil society in sparking the colored revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine, focusing specifically on the activities of the youth groups Kmara ("Enough") and Pora ("It's Time"). Most conventional accounts of the two revolutions focus primarily on the proximate causes (fraud, corruption, etc.) or the nature of the organized political opposition, spending less time on the strategies and tactics employed by civil society and social-movement actors. I will use new social movement theory to explore how these groups took advantage of political opportunities, acquired and used repertoires of contention, and interacted with conventional actors and the media. This requires examining how the post-Soviet period shaped the revolutions' political context. Second, I look at each revolution's aftermath to determine how successful each has been in promoting effective change. Both Georgia and Ukraine experienced problems with democratization because of the new regime's actions while in office (Georgia) or the resurgence of the previous authoritarian elites (Ukraine). It is important to account for these difficulties, and determine what role (if any) civil society has played in the post-colored revolution political environment. If accounts of the revolutions rely too heavily on analysis of the regime and the opposition, this interpretation is even more prevalent in postrevolution political developments. Does this empirical silence mean civil society is no longer seeking an active role in the political process or does it mean that the state is actively excluding civil society from playing such a role? Could it indicate that the revolutionary governments have effectively coopted civil society, absorbing it into political society? I aim to answer these questions to create a more complex picture of the type of change that has resulted from the colored revolutions. Theoretical Framework This article, and the theoretical framework that undergirds it, is divided into two parts--prerevolution and postrevolution. Examining the prerevolution situations in Georgia and Ukraine, I use the new social movement theory, as characterized by Sidney Tarrow's book Power in Movement, to provide a framework for understanding popular and political mobilization and how such mobilization can effect political change. …
DemokratizatsiyaSocial Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
1.40
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
期刊介绍:
Occupying a unique niche among literary journals, ANQ is filled with short, incisive research-based articles about the literature of the English-speaking world and the language of literature. Contributors unravel obscure allusions, explain sources and analogues, and supply variant manuscript readings. Also included are Old English word studies, textual emendations, and rare correspondence from neglected archives. The journal is an essential source for professors and students, as well as archivists, bibliographers, biographers, editors, lexicographers, and textual scholars. With subjects from Chaucer and Milton to Fitzgerald and Welty, ANQ delves into the heart of literature.