略论完成分词在意大利语形态学中的作用及其历史

Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI:10.1515/probus-2020-0006
A. Calabrese
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引用次数: 2

摘要

自(Aronoff, Mark. 1994)以来。形态学本身。剑桥,马萨诸塞州:麻省理工学院出版社),过去分词形式在拉丁语(和意大利语)形态学中不同的形态句法作用在争论形态方法中发挥了核心作用。在本文中,我将对《分布形态学》(DM, Halle Morris, & Alec Marantz. 1993)中这些分词形式的特殊行为提出另一种分析。分布形态和屈折碎片。在肯尼斯·黑尔和塞缪尔·杰伊·凯泽(编),从20号楼的观点:在语言学论文在纪念西尔万·布罗姆伯格,111-176。马萨诸塞州剑桥:麻省理工学院出版社)。特别是,我将提出形态学的拼写,作为PF衍生的第一阶段,包括由抽象的“形态”约束触发的形态学修复。这些修复可以插入“装饰性”的部分——不是句法或语义上的结构,而只是形态上的结构——来调解抽象句法语义结构和表面PF结构之间的接口。我将展示这些修复在解释完成分词和被动分词形式、形容词静态分词形式之间的表面收敛以及过去分词在名词化中的出现所起的作用。文章最后分析了拉丁语过去分词的历史发展。本分析的第一部分涉及原始印欧语(PIE)拉丁语言结构的发展,特别是“装饰性”主题元音的发展。然后,简要研究了PIE形容词后缀*-tó-的拉丁过去分词指数/-t-/的历史发展,以及PIE的代理和行动/结果名义后缀*- t /tor、*-ti-、*-tu、*-men-(to)-的历史发展。这将导致对拉丁名词化的讨论,仰卧和将来分词,以及为什么它们包含分词形态的可能解释。
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Remarks on the Role of the Perfect Participle in Italian Morphology and on its History
Abstract Since (Aronoff, Mark. 1994. Morphology by itself. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press), the disparate morphosyntactic roles that past participle forms have in Latin (and Italian) morphology have played a central role in arguing for morphomic approaches. In this article, I will propose an alternative analysis of the special behavior of these participle forms in Distributed Morphology (DM, Halle Morris, & Alec Marantz. 1993. Distributed morphology and the pieces of inflection. In Kenneth Hale & Samuel Jay Keyser (eds.), The view from building 20: Essays in linguistics in honor of Sylvain Bromberger, 111–176. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.). In particular, I will propose that morphological spell-out, as a first stage of the PF derivation, includes morphological repairs triggered by abstract “morphomic” constraints. These repairs can insert “ornamental” pieces – structures that are not motivated syntactically or semantically but only morphologically – to mediate the interface between abstract syntactico-semantic structures and surface PF construction. I will demonstrate the role that these repairs play in accounting for the surface convergence between perfect and passive participle forms, and adjectival stative ones, and for the appearance of past participles in nominalizations. The article ends with an analysis of Latin past participle morphology focusing on its historical development. The first part of this analysis deals with the development of Latin verbal structure from Proto-Indo-European (PIE) and in particular with the development of “ornamental” thematic vowels. It then turns to a brief investigation of the historical development of the Latin past participle exponent /-t-/ from PIE adjectival suffix *-tó-, and of the PIE agentive and action/result nominal suffixes *-tér/tor, *-ti-, *-tu, *-men-(to)-. This will lead to a discussion of Latin nominalizations, the supine and the future participle and a possible explanation of why they contain participial morphology.
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