{"title":"利比里亚:民主的暴力","authors":"J. Yoder","doi":"10.5860/choice.43-6805","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Liberia: The Violence of Democracy. By Mary H. Moran. The Ethnography of Political Violence Series. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006. Pp. 190; 15 illustrations. $49.95 /£32.50. In Liberia: The Violence of Democracy, anthropologist Mary Moran uses a grassroots perspective to analyze the political violence that has gripped Liberia over the last several decades. Drawing on her field research of the early 1980s, her previously published work on southeastern Liberia, her extensive links to Liberians in America, and her \"virtual fieldwork\" through the internet and e-mail, Moran challenges prevailing notions that Liberia and Africa are irrationally violent and lack democratic traditions. Claiming that Liberia has a \"fully modern,\" albeit non-western form of democracy (p. 6), Moran rejects popular writer Robert Kaplan's description of Africa as the home of a chaotic and anti-liberal \"New Barbarianism.\" In addition, she challenges academics such as Nicholas Van de Walle, Jean-Francois Bayart, Stephen Ellis, William Reno, Amos Sawyer, and Caroline Bledsoe who contend that autocracy, ethnic exclusivity, patrimonialism, patron-clientalism, secrecy, and age- or gender-based hierarchies define African politics. Reviewing the records of the Doe and Taylor regimes, Moran argues that many of Liberia's woes can be traced to the politics of the cold war and the amoral forces of the global market place. Recalling Liberian history from 1847 through the Tubman era, Moran contends that Liberians have a long tradition of democratic elections and a constitutional form of government. Citing her own experiences among the Glebo (a Kwa/Kruan-speaking group that includes the Kru, Krahn, Bassa, and Grebo), Moran argues that Liberians have well established habits and institutions of democracy such as checks and balances on leaders, and the recognition that everyone (even women and youth) have a right to express their political views. Looking at popular culture, for example newspaper cartoons, Moran persuasively demonstrates that Liberians actively contest identity markers that define who is civilized, who deserves prestige, and who should be obeyed. Finally, discussing the role of violence in West Africa, Moran rejects the view that violence is an expression of non-democratic and irrational anarchy. Violence, she says, is simply one end of a continuum of communication; violence is one way to express legitimate grievances. In short, Moran believes that Liberians possess the resources needed to build a healthy political future. …","PeriodicalId":45676,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES","volume":"39 1","pages":"545"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3000,"publicationDate":"2006-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"66","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Liberia: The Violence of Democracy\",\"authors\":\"J. Yoder\",\"doi\":\"10.5860/choice.43-6805\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Liberia: The Violence of Democracy. By Mary H. Moran. The Ethnography of Political Violence Series. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006. Pp. 190; 15 illustrations. $49.95 /£32.50. In Liberia: The Violence of Democracy, anthropologist Mary Moran uses a grassroots perspective to analyze the political violence that has gripped Liberia over the last several decades. Drawing on her field research of the early 1980s, her previously published work on southeastern Liberia, her extensive links to Liberians in America, and her \\\"virtual fieldwork\\\" through the internet and e-mail, Moran challenges prevailing notions that Liberia and Africa are irrationally violent and lack democratic traditions. Claiming that Liberia has a \\\"fully modern,\\\" albeit non-western form of democracy (p. 6), Moran rejects popular writer Robert Kaplan's description of Africa as the home of a chaotic and anti-liberal \\\"New Barbarianism.\\\" In addition, she challenges academics such as Nicholas Van de Walle, Jean-Francois Bayart, Stephen Ellis, William Reno, Amos Sawyer, and Caroline Bledsoe who contend that autocracy, ethnic exclusivity, patrimonialism, patron-clientalism, secrecy, and age- or gender-based hierarchies define African politics. Reviewing the records of the Doe and Taylor regimes, Moran argues that many of Liberia's woes can be traced to the politics of the cold war and the amoral forces of the global market place. Recalling Liberian history from 1847 through the Tubman era, Moran contends that Liberians have a long tradition of democratic elections and a constitutional form of government. Citing her own experiences among the Glebo (a Kwa/Kruan-speaking group that includes the Kru, Krahn, Bassa, and Grebo), Moran argues that Liberians have well established habits and institutions of democracy such as checks and balances on leaders, and the recognition that everyone (even women and youth) have a right to express their political views. Looking at popular culture, for example newspaper cartoons, Moran persuasively demonstrates that Liberians actively contest identity markers that define who is civilized, who deserves prestige, and who should be obeyed. Finally, discussing the role of violence in West Africa, Moran rejects the view that violence is an expression of non-democratic and irrational anarchy. Violence, she says, is simply one end of a continuum of communication; violence is one way to express legitimate grievances. 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Liberia: The Violence of Democracy. By Mary H. Moran. The Ethnography of Political Violence Series. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006. Pp. 190; 15 illustrations. $49.95 /£32.50. In Liberia: The Violence of Democracy, anthropologist Mary Moran uses a grassroots perspective to analyze the political violence that has gripped Liberia over the last several decades. Drawing on her field research of the early 1980s, her previously published work on southeastern Liberia, her extensive links to Liberians in America, and her "virtual fieldwork" through the internet and e-mail, Moran challenges prevailing notions that Liberia and Africa are irrationally violent and lack democratic traditions. Claiming that Liberia has a "fully modern," albeit non-western form of democracy (p. 6), Moran rejects popular writer Robert Kaplan's description of Africa as the home of a chaotic and anti-liberal "New Barbarianism." In addition, she challenges academics such as Nicholas Van de Walle, Jean-Francois Bayart, Stephen Ellis, William Reno, Amos Sawyer, and Caroline Bledsoe who contend that autocracy, ethnic exclusivity, patrimonialism, patron-clientalism, secrecy, and age- or gender-based hierarchies define African politics. Reviewing the records of the Doe and Taylor regimes, Moran argues that many of Liberia's woes can be traced to the politics of the cold war and the amoral forces of the global market place. Recalling Liberian history from 1847 through the Tubman era, Moran contends that Liberians have a long tradition of democratic elections and a constitutional form of government. Citing her own experiences among the Glebo (a Kwa/Kruan-speaking group that includes the Kru, Krahn, Bassa, and Grebo), Moran argues that Liberians have well established habits and institutions of democracy such as checks and balances on leaders, and the recognition that everyone (even women and youth) have a right to express their political views. Looking at popular culture, for example newspaper cartoons, Moran persuasively demonstrates that Liberians actively contest identity markers that define who is civilized, who deserves prestige, and who should be obeyed. Finally, discussing the role of violence in West Africa, Moran rejects the view that violence is an expression of non-democratic and irrational anarchy. Violence, she says, is simply one end of a continuum of communication; violence is one way to express legitimate grievances. In short, Moran believes that Liberians possess the resources needed to build a healthy political future. …
期刊介绍:
The International Journal of African Historical Studies (IJAHS) is devoted to the study of the African past. Norman Bennett was the founder and guiding force behind the journal’s growth from its first incarnation at Boston University as African Historical Studies in 1968. He remained its editor for more than thirty years. The title was expanded to the International Journal of African Historical Studies in 1972, when Africana Publishers Holmes and Meier took over publication and distribution for the next decade. Beginning in 1982, the African Studies Center once again assumed full responsibility for production and distribution. Jean Hay served as the journal’s production editor from 1979 to 1995, and editor from 1998 to her retirement in 2005. Michael DiBlasi is the current editor, and James McCann and Diana Wylie are associate editors of the journal. Members of the editorial board include: Emmanuel Akyeampong, Peter Alegi, Misty Bastian, Sara Berry, Barbara Cooper, Marc Epprecht, Lidwien Kapteijns, Meredith McKittrick, Pashington Obang, David Schoenbrun, Heather Sharkey, Ann B. Stahl, John Thornton, and Rudolph Ware III. The journal publishes three issues each year (April, August, and December). Articles, notes, and documents submitted to the journal should be based on original research and framed in terms of historical analysis. Contributions in archaeology, history, anthropology, historical ecology, political science, political ecology, and economic history are welcome. Articles that highlight European administrators, settlers, or colonial policies should be submitted elsewhere, unless they deal substantially with interactions with (or the affects on) African societies.