龙的影子:越南与中国的持续斗争及其对美国外交政策的影响

Q3 Arts and Humanities
Parameters Pub Date : 2003-09-22 DOI:10.5860/choice.40-4266
Andrew Scobell
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引用次数: 1

摘要

亨利·j·肯尼著。华盛顿:布拉西出版社,2002年。176页。49.95美元(纸质版24.95美元)。越南社会主义共和国不再是美国的对手,2003年,乔治·w·布什(George W. Bush)政府的目光集中在“邪恶轴心”三巨头和全球恐怖主义网络的触角上。今天,共产主义越南对美国来说似乎无关紧要。一个拥有7700万人口的中等规模东南亚国家正在尝试自由市场经济,并被一个看似不合时宜的列宁主义党国统治,这对美国有什么意义呢?长期关注越南问题的亨利·肯尼(Henry Kenny)认为,越南的意义在于,它代表着在东南亚制衡中国的力量。他断言,鼓励一个更具战略自信、经济活力和民主导向的越南符合美国的国家利益。肯尼强调了地理的暴政,这注定了越南永远处于中国巨龙的阴影之下。事实上,就人口和面积而言,越南大约相当于中国的一个中等省份。因此,越南已经学会了极其警惕地对抗其北方的庞大邻国。这并不是说越南与中国的关系一直很友好,甚至是亲切的。相反,正如肯尼指出的那样,两国关系往往会经历一个合作与冲突的循环,这种模式可以追溯到几个世纪以前。但大多数情况下,越南倾向于迁就中国。虽然中国和越南的共产主义运动在对抗法国和南越(以及南越的主要赞助人美国)的连续斗争中是盟友,但两国关系中存在潜在的紧张关系,并以1979年初一场短暂但血腥的边境战争的形式浮出水面。这种仇恨一直持续到上世纪90年代,当时苏联解体,两个党国的务实关切促成了两国的和解。1999年,两国解决了大部分陆地边界争端,并于次年就北部湾争端达成协议。然而,围绕南中国海岛屿和水域的领土争端仍然存在。根据肯尼的说法,海上五个潜在的爆发点中有四个涉及中国和越南之间的争端。“未来(中国和越南之间)在南中国海问题上的冲突,”肯尼认为,“肯定是有可能的。”越南在涉及中国的问题上非常谨慎,因此在改善与美国的关系方面非常谨慎。当然,河内一直不愿接待美国高级官员,尤其是国防官员。例如,美国国防部长威廉·科恩(William Cohen)的访问在上世纪90年代末不得不两次推迟,最终在2000年才得以实现。2001年初,美国太平洋部队司令丹尼斯·布莱尔上将对越南的访问在最后一刻被河内取消。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Shadow of the Dragon: Vietnam's Continuing Struggle with China and the Implications for U.S. Foreign Policy
By Henry J. Kenny. Washington: Brassey's, 2002. 176 pages. $49.95 ($24.95 paper). With the end of America's Indochina war in the 1970s and the passage of time, Vietnam has slipped from the collective consciousness of US policymakers and the general public. The Socialist Republic of Vietnam is no longer America's adversary, and in 2003 the sights of the George W. Bush Administration are focused on the "Axis of Evil" triumvirate and the tentacles of global terrorist networks. Today, communist Vietnam seems relatively inconsequential to the United States. What significance can a moderate-sized Southeast Asian country of 77 million experimenting with free-market economics and ruled by a seemingly anachronistic and repressive Leninist party-state have for the United States? Henry Kenny, a long-time Vietnam watcher, contends that Vietnam's significance is that it represents a counterweight to China in Southeast Asia. He asserts that encouraging a more strategically self-assured, economically vibrant, and democratically oriented Vietnam is in the US national interest. Kenny highlights the tyranny of geography, which dooms Vietnam to be forever in the shadow of the giant Chinese dragon. Indeed, in terms of population and area, Vietnam is roughly equivalent to a medium-sized Chinese province. As a consequence Vietnam has learned to be extremely wary of antagonizing its vast northern neighbor. That is not to suggest that Vietnam's relations with China have always been warm or even cordial. On the contrary, as Kenny notes, relations have tended to go through a cycle of cooperation and conflict, a pattern that dates back centuries. But mostly Vietnam has tended to accommodate China. While the Chinese and Vietnamese communist movements were allies in successive struggles against the French and then against South Vietnam (and its major patron, the United States), there were underlying tensions in the relationship which bubbled to the surface in the form of a brief but bloody border war in early 1979. The bad blood persisted until the 1990s when the collapse of the Soviet Union and the pragmatic concerns of both party-states resulted in a rapprochement. In 1999 the two countries resolved most of their land border disputes and the following year reached an accord over the dispute in the Gulf of Tonkin. Nevertheless, territorial disputes remain over islands and waters in the South China Sea. According to Kenny, four of the five potential flashpoints in the sea involve disputes between China and Vietnam. "Future conflict [between China and Vietnam] over the South China Sea," Kenny contends, "is a definite possibility." Vietnam is circumspect where China is concerned and, hence, extremely cautious in improving ties with the United States. Certainly Hanoi has been hesitant to host senior US officials, especially defense figures. A visit by Defense Secretary William Cohen, for example, had to be postponed twice in the late 1990s and finally took place in 2000. A visit in early 2001 by Commander of US Forces in the Pacific Admiral Dennis Blair was canceled by Hanoi literally at the last minute. …
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