多还是多?学龄儿童理性与恶意的实验

Q3 Social Sciences
A. F. d'Almeida, R. C. Teixeira, F. A. Chalub
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Taking as an example an experimental game, where each of two individuals has two strategic possibilities and pay-off functions associated with all possible combinations, a simple maximization of one's pay-off says nothing about the effect of this decision to the direct competitor's pay-off. If a strategic decision maximizes one's pay-off but results in an even higher pay-off for the opponent, then this may be a wrong decision in an environment of direct competition. In fact, mathematical models along these lines are considered the starting point of the studies of cooperation, as the benefit of one is also a benefit for the other (Chalub, Santos, Pacheco, 2006; Falk, Fehr, & Fischbacher, 2005; Hamilton, 1970; Leimar, & Hammerstein, 2001; Santos, & Pacheco, 2005; Santos, Pacheco, & Lenaerts, 2006; Trivers, 1971). Evolutionary psychology has further explored this by studying the impact that neurological and emotional processes related to altruism and cooperation have on the survival and spread of individuals (Van Lange, 1999; Van Lange, Agnew, Harinck, & Steemers, 1997; de Wall, 1996). Defined as an act that causes loss of payoff (or any other type of cost) to the opponent, spite may be advantageous in a competitive scenario given certain precise conditions. We will not specify here the full set of conditions that make spite advantageous; we stress however, that rationality (maximization of own's payoff) and spite (minimization of other's payoff) are not mutually exclusive. Humans display many behaviors that could be classified as spiteful and spite is often linked with negative emotional responses to inequity such as envy and jealousy (Berke, 1988; Dufwenberg, & Guth 2000; Salovey, & Rothman 1991; Smith, 1991). Although apparently maladaptive, these behaviors are suited to certain competitive contexts. By comparing payoffs directly with another individual, one could be empowered with the means of assessing the best strategy for obtaining a payoff. Some authors have suggested that this would elicit an \"outcompete your neighbor\" decision process that would allow exerting just the right amount of effort to succeed in outcompeting rivals (Hill & Buss, 2008). In economics, the process of dumping (where a firm decreases the price of its product, possibly below cost price, intending to drive competitors out of the market) is such an example (Winters, 1991). Humans also commonly display what is known as \"last-place aversion.\" In this case individuals prefer to minimize the probability of being last (for example, in a ranking of income distribution), rather than maximizing their own pay-off (Kuziemko, Buell, Reich, & Norton, 2011). Spiteful behavior has also been identified in a study where higher-ranking individuals are more likely to spite lower ranking individuals than their similars (Fehr, Hoff & Kshetramade 2008). For this study, the starting point was to understand if the propensity for spiteful behavior was present in children along with the propensity for rationality, or if children displayed these propensities at different stages of their development, ultimately comparing the motivations and the ability of children and teenagers to react to stimuli that induced behavior in one or the other direction. 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We will not specify here the full set of conditions that make spite advantageous; we stress however, that rationality (maximization of own's payoff) and spite (minimization of other's payoff) are not mutually exclusive. Humans display many behaviors that could be classified as spiteful and spite is often linked with negative emotional responses to inequity such as envy and jealousy (Berke, 1988; Dufwenberg, & Guth 2000; Salovey, & Rothman 1991; Smith, 1991). Although apparently maladaptive, these behaviors are suited to certain competitive contexts. By comparing payoffs directly with another individual, one could be empowered with the means of assessing the best strategy for obtaining a payoff. Some authors have suggested that this would elicit an \\\"outcompete your neighbor\\\" decision process that would allow exerting just the right amount of effort to succeed in outcompeting rivals (Hill & Buss, 2008). 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引用次数: 1

摘要

竞争的方式有很多(合作的方式也有很多)。从理论上和经验上来看,研究最多的一个被称为“理性”(利己主义最大化)。“理性”一词传统上指的是个体为实现自身利益最大化而采取的行动,其衡量标准是最初在博弈论中引入的“回报”概念(Neumann, & Morgenstern, 2004;Tversky, Kahneman, 1986)。从某种意义上说,一个人在所有可能的情况下比较他/她的命运,选择最好的可能结果。然而,在大多数实验兴趣的真实情况下,人们相互竞争。以一个实验游戏为例,在这个游戏中,两个人都有两种策略可能性,而回报函数与所有可能的组合相关联,一个人的回报的简单最大化并不能说明这个决定对直接竞争对手的回报的影响。如果一个战略决策最大化了自己的收益,但却给对手带来了更高的收益,那么在直接竞争的环境中,这可能是一个错误的决策。事实上,沿着这些路线的数学模型被认为是合作研究的起点,因为一方的利益也是另一方的利益(Chalub, Santos, Pacheco, 2006;Falk, Fehr, & Fischbacher, 2005;汉密尔顿,1970;Leimar, & Hammerstein, 2001;Santos, & Pacheco, 2005;Santos, Pacheco, & Lenaerts, 2006;特里弗斯,1971)。进化心理学通过研究与利他主义和合作相关的神经和情感过程对个体生存和传播的影响,进一步探讨了这一点(Van Lange, 1999;Van Lange, Agnew, Harinck, & Steemers, 1997;de Wall, 1996)。恶意行为被定义为导致对手损失收益(或任何其他类型的成本)的行为,在给定特定条件的竞争情境中,恶意行为可能是有利的。我们不会在这里详细说明使怨恨有利的全部条件;然而,我们强调,理性(自己的收益最大化)和怨恨(他人的收益最小化)不是相互排斥的。人类表现出的许多行为可以被归类为恶意,而恶意通常与对不平等的负面情绪反应有关,如嫉妒和嫉妒(Berke, 1988;Dufwenberg, & Guth 2000;Salovey, & Rothman 1991;史密斯,1991)。尽管这些行为明显是不适应的,但它们适合某些竞争环境。通过直接与另一个人比较收益,一个人可以被赋予评估获得收益的最佳策略的手段。一些作者认为这将引出一个“超越你的邻居”的决策过程,这将允许付出适量的努力来成功地超越竞争对手(Hill & Buss, 2008)。在经济学中,倾销过程(公司降低其产品的价格,可能低于成本价格,意图将竞争对手赶出市场)就是这样一个例子(Winters, 1991)。人类通常也会表现出所谓的“最后一地厌恶”。在这种情况下,个人更倾向于最小化最后的可能性(例如,在收入分配排名中),而不是最大化自己的回报(Kuziemko, Buell, Reich, & Norton, 2011)。在一项研究中也发现了恶意行为,即地位较高的个体比地位相似的个体更有可能怨恨地位较低的个体(Fehr, Hoff & Kshetramade 2008)。本研究的出发点是了解儿童是否存在恶意行为倾向以及理性倾向,或者儿童是否在其发展的不同阶段表现出这些倾向,最终比较儿童和青少年对刺激的动机和反应能力,这些刺激会导致一个或另一个方向的行为。也就是说,我们想根据年龄,量化理性或恶意行为的倾向。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Much or More? Experiments of Rationality and Spite with School Children
There are many ways to be competitive (as there are many ways to be cooperative, too). The most studied one, both theoretically and empirically, is called "rationality" (maximization of self-interest). The term rationality traditionally refers to individuals acting towards the maximization of their own selfish interests, measured by the "pay-off" concept originally introduced in game theory (Neumann, & Morgenstern, 2004; Tversky, Kahneman, 1986). In a sense, one compares his/her fate in all possible scenarios and chooses the best possible outcome. However, in most real situations of experimental interest, people compete against each other. Taking as an example an experimental game, where each of two individuals has two strategic possibilities and pay-off functions associated with all possible combinations, a simple maximization of one's pay-off says nothing about the effect of this decision to the direct competitor's pay-off. If a strategic decision maximizes one's pay-off but results in an even higher pay-off for the opponent, then this may be a wrong decision in an environment of direct competition. In fact, mathematical models along these lines are considered the starting point of the studies of cooperation, as the benefit of one is also a benefit for the other (Chalub, Santos, Pacheco, 2006; Falk, Fehr, & Fischbacher, 2005; Hamilton, 1970; Leimar, & Hammerstein, 2001; Santos, & Pacheco, 2005; Santos, Pacheco, & Lenaerts, 2006; Trivers, 1971). Evolutionary psychology has further explored this by studying the impact that neurological and emotional processes related to altruism and cooperation have on the survival and spread of individuals (Van Lange, 1999; Van Lange, Agnew, Harinck, & Steemers, 1997; de Wall, 1996). Defined as an act that causes loss of payoff (or any other type of cost) to the opponent, spite may be advantageous in a competitive scenario given certain precise conditions. We will not specify here the full set of conditions that make spite advantageous; we stress however, that rationality (maximization of own's payoff) and spite (minimization of other's payoff) are not mutually exclusive. Humans display many behaviors that could be classified as spiteful and spite is often linked with negative emotional responses to inequity such as envy and jealousy (Berke, 1988; Dufwenberg, & Guth 2000; Salovey, & Rothman 1991; Smith, 1991). Although apparently maladaptive, these behaviors are suited to certain competitive contexts. By comparing payoffs directly with another individual, one could be empowered with the means of assessing the best strategy for obtaining a payoff. Some authors have suggested that this would elicit an "outcompete your neighbor" decision process that would allow exerting just the right amount of effort to succeed in outcompeting rivals (Hill & Buss, 2008). In economics, the process of dumping (where a firm decreases the price of its product, possibly below cost price, intending to drive competitors out of the market) is such an example (Winters, 1991). Humans also commonly display what is known as "last-place aversion." In this case individuals prefer to minimize the probability of being last (for example, in a ranking of income distribution), rather than maximizing their own pay-off (Kuziemko, Buell, Reich, & Norton, 2011). Spiteful behavior has also been identified in a study where higher-ranking individuals are more likely to spite lower ranking individuals than their similars (Fehr, Hoff & Kshetramade 2008). For this study, the starting point was to understand if the propensity for spiteful behavior was present in children along with the propensity for rationality, or if children displayed these propensities at different stages of their development, ultimately comparing the motivations and the ability of children and teenagers to react to stimuli that induced behavior in one or the other direction. Namely, we wanted to quantify, according to age, the propensity for acting rationally or spitefully. …
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来源期刊
North American Journal of Psychology
North American Journal of Psychology Social Sciences-Sociology and Political Science
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