《痛苦:政治史

IF 0.1 Q4 HISTORY
J. Fairman
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In 2011, the Institute of Medicine report Relieving Pain in America1 placed uncontrolled pain as one of the most compelling public health problems of our time.Wailoo brilliantly chose pain as a vehicle for understanding the association of culture, politics, and the history of medicine. He situates pain as an enduring proxy for the political battles concerning how various legislative and legal entities defined deserving and undeserving sufferers, relief, and disability. He also situates pain as an innovative way to illustrate ideological debates over the size of government, free market constructions, and regulation politics. Pain, in this book, is a loosely packed concept that morphs like putty, depending on the sufferer and those responsible for relieving, defining, and documenting their suffering. In Wailoo's hands, pain becomes more than physical sensation; it is the Trojan horse that projects multiple meanings while distorting the reality of its impact, purpose, and function.The book also illustrates the foibles of attempting to strictly categorize political ideological forces into conservative and liberal, or Republican and Democrat. In Chapter 1, for example, he illustrates Republican President Dwight Eisenhower's struggle to support veterans (many of whom were considered to have legitimate pain), while trying to distance himself from the more encompassing disability legislation covering the elderly and other American citizens (some of whom were considered to have illegitimate or fraudulent pain). His lot was to reluctantly sign the 1956 Social Security Disability Insurance Law that provided benefits to both veterans and other American citizens. Some of his Republican colleagues never forgave him for liberalizing disability. Democratic President Jimmie Carter's administration began eliminating many people from the disability roles as a way to control costs and eliminate fraud. Many of his Democratic colleagues believed his actions were punitive and failed to reflect Democratic liberal sentiments. The Reagan administration, using Carter's policies as a springboard, continued this policy but with much more gusto, illustrating the porosity between strictly liberal and conservative ideas. Underlying the debates over worthy and unworthy sufferers were the historical dualities of deserving and underserving recipients, self-reliance and dependence, and weakness caused by social disparities and control.Throughout the book, Wailoo presents defining cases that illustrate the political ideology of pain. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

《痛苦:政治史》基思·韦鲁著(马里兰州巴尔的摩:约翰·霍普金斯大学出版社,2014年)(296页;Keith Wailoo的《痛苦:政治史》与他之前的作品既有相似之处,也有不同之处。它完全符合医学史的类型,但它也显示了由国家政治意识形态塑造的人类经历的更明确和细致的反映。在这本书中,Wailoo提出了一个非常复杂和令人信服的论点,即痛苦是如何定义的,谁来定义它,如何评估它,以及如何确定患者-说明了今天存在的自由主义和保守主义政治思想之间的意识形态分歧。2011年,医学研究所的报告《缓解美国疼痛》将无法控制的疼痛列为我们这个时代最引人注目的公共卫生问题之一。Wailoo出色地选择了疼痛作为理解文化、政治和医学史之间联系的工具。他将痛苦视为政治斗争的持久代表,政治斗争涉及各种立法和法律实体如何定义值得和不值得的患者、救济和残疾。他还将痛苦作为一种创新的方式来说明关于政府规模、自由市场建设和监管政治的意识形态辩论。在这本书中,痛苦是一个松散的概念,它像腻子一样变形,取决于受难者和那些负责减轻、定义和记录他们痛苦的人。在Wailoo的手中,疼痛不仅仅是身体上的感觉;它是特洛伊木马,投射了多重含义,同时扭曲了其影响、目的和功能的现实。该书还指出了将政治意识形态势力严格划分为保守和自由、共和党和民主党的缺点。例如,在第一章中,他描述了共和党总统德怀特·艾森豪威尔(Dwight Eisenhower)在支持退伍军人(其中许多人被认为有合法的痛苦)的斗争,同时试图与涵盖老年人和其他美国公民(其中一些人被认为有非法或欺诈性的痛苦)的更广泛的残疾立法保持距离。他的命运是不情愿地签署1956年的《社会保障残疾保险法》,该法为退伍军人和其他美国公民提供福利。他的一些共和党同事永远不会原谅他放开残疾的做法。民主党总统吉米·卡特(Jimmie Carter)的政府开始取消许多残疾人的职位,作为控制成本和消除欺诈的一种方式。他的许多民主党同事认为他的行为是惩罚性的,未能反映民主党的自由主义情绪。里根政府以卡特的政策为跳板,延续了这一政策,但更加热情,说明了严格的自由主义和保守主义思想之间的空隙。关于值得和不值得受难者的争论背后是值得和不值得受难者的历史二元性,自力更生和依赖,以及社会差异和控制造成的软弱。在整本书中,waioo提出了一些明确的案例,说明了痛苦的政治意识形态。为退伍军人的残疾福利而战(第1章)表明,作为一个概念,痛苦如何说明了自由救济(例如,残疾人的权利和同情关怀)和保守主义对社会主义的恐惧的斗争意识形态。美国医学协会(AMA)阐释了这些担忧,因为它将自由的止痛政策视为对他人权利的侵犯,以及那些处于疼痛中的人无法控制自己的行为。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Pain: A Political History
Pain: A Political History By Keith Wailoo (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014) (296 pages; $29.95 hardcover)Pain: A Political History by Keith Wailoo is both similar to and different from his previous books. It fits securely within the genre of the history of medicine, but it also shows a more defined and nuanced reflection of the human experience shaped by the ideology of national politics. In this book, Wailoo presents a very sophisticated and compelling argument that pain-how it is defined, who gets to define it, how it is valued, and how sufferers are identified-illustrates the ideological divide between liberal and conservative political thought that exists today. In 2011, the Institute of Medicine report Relieving Pain in America1 placed uncontrolled pain as one of the most compelling public health problems of our time.Wailoo brilliantly chose pain as a vehicle for understanding the association of culture, politics, and the history of medicine. He situates pain as an enduring proxy for the political battles concerning how various legislative and legal entities defined deserving and undeserving sufferers, relief, and disability. He also situates pain as an innovative way to illustrate ideological debates over the size of government, free market constructions, and regulation politics. Pain, in this book, is a loosely packed concept that morphs like putty, depending on the sufferer and those responsible for relieving, defining, and documenting their suffering. In Wailoo's hands, pain becomes more than physical sensation; it is the Trojan horse that projects multiple meanings while distorting the reality of its impact, purpose, and function.The book also illustrates the foibles of attempting to strictly categorize political ideological forces into conservative and liberal, or Republican and Democrat. In Chapter 1, for example, he illustrates Republican President Dwight Eisenhower's struggle to support veterans (many of whom were considered to have legitimate pain), while trying to distance himself from the more encompassing disability legislation covering the elderly and other American citizens (some of whom were considered to have illegitimate or fraudulent pain). His lot was to reluctantly sign the 1956 Social Security Disability Insurance Law that provided benefits to both veterans and other American citizens. Some of his Republican colleagues never forgave him for liberalizing disability. Democratic President Jimmie Carter's administration began eliminating many people from the disability roles as a way to control costs and eliminate fraud. Many of his Democratic colleagues believed his actions were punitive and failed to reflect Democratic liberal sentiments. The Reagan administration, using Carter's policies as a springboard, continued this policy but with much more gusto, illustrating the porosity between strictly liberal and conservative ideas. Underlying the debates over worthy and unworthy sufferers were the historical dualities of deserving and underserving recipients, self-reliance and dependence, and weakness caused by social disparities and control.Throughout the book, Wailoo presents defining cases that illustrate the political ideology of pain. The fight for veterans' disability benefits (Chapter 1) shows how pain as a concept illustrated the dueling ideologies of liberal relief (e.g., the rights of the disabled and compassionate care) and conservative fears of socialism. The American Medical Association (AMA) illustrated these fears as it situated liberal pain relief policies as an infringement on the rights of others and an inability of those in pain to control their behavior. …
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来源期刊
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期刊介绍: Nursing History Review, an annual peer-reviewed publication, is a showcase for the most significant current research on nursing and health care history. Contributors include national and international scholars representing many different disciplinary backgrounds. Regular sections include scholarly articles, reviews of the best books on nursing and abstracts of new doctoral dissertations and health care history, and invited commentaries. Historians, researchers, and individuals fascinated with the rich field of nursing will find this an important resource.
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