{"title":"西班牙语+FC","authors":"Víctor Arturo Martel Paredes","doi":"10.34096/sys.n35.6942","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I will describe the construction Ella esta que canta (‘She is that (she) sings’) from the Peruvian variety of Spanish, where ‘estar’ selects a CP to conform a complex predication. I will follow Cuervo’s (2003) eventive structure in order to analyse the components in this construction; and the absence or underspecification of T in the embedded clause which allow the raising of DP through CP to Spec,T from the matrix clause (Martins & Nunes 2010; Fernandez-Salgueiro 2005; Fong 2019, Pesetsky & Torrego 2001, 2004, 2007). I will prove, in the first place, the monoclausality of the structure. Then, I will show that this structure is made through an organization of events by complementation: a state event selects a dynamic one, and both are interpreted from an aspectual perspective of iteration; finally, I will explain the rising of the subject from a lower clause through the feature nonspecification of T of the lower verb, with the consequent “escape” of the DP to a higher level, and, for this, we assume the possibility of considering Esp, C as argument position or mixed A / A ‘, given the selection properties of ESTAR.","PeriodicalId":41169,"journal":{"name":"Signo y Sena-Revista del Instituto de Linguistica","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1000,"publicationDate":"2019-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"ESTAR + FC en el castellano peruano\",\"authors\":\"Víctor Arturo Martel Paredes\",\"doi\":\"10.34096/sys.n35.6942\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"In this paper, I will describe the construction Ella esta que canta (‘She is that (she) sings’) from the Peruvian variety of Spanish, where ‘estar’ selects a CP to conform a complex predication. I will follow Cuervo’s (2003) eventive structure in order to analyse the components in this construction; and the absence or underspecification of T in the embedded clause which allow the raising of DP through CP to Spec,T from the matrix clause (Martins & Nunes 2010; Fernandez-Salgueiro 2005; Fong 2019, Pesetsky & Torrego 2001, 2004, 2007). I will prove, in the first place, the monoclausality of the structure. Then, I will show that this structure is made through an organization of events by complementation: a state event selects a dynamic one, and both are interpreted from an aspectual perspective of iteration; finally, I will explain the rising of the subject from a lower clause through the feature nonspecification of T of the lower verb, with the consequent “escape” of the DP to a higher level, and, for this, we assume the possibility of considering Esp, C as argument position or mixed A / A ‘, given the selection properties of ESTAR.\",\"PeriodicalId\":41169,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Signo y Sena-Revista del Instituto de Linguistica\",\"volume\":\"1 1\",\"pages\":\"\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.1000,\"publicationDate\":\"2019-07-01\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Signo y Sena-Revista del Instituto de Linguistica\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.34096/sys.n35.6942\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"0\",\"JCRName\":\"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Signo y Sena-Revista del Instituto de Linguistica","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.34096/sys.n35.6942","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
在本文中,我将描述来自秘鲁西班牙语的结构Ella esta que canta(“她就是那个(她)唱歌”),其中“estar”选择一个CP来符合一个复杂的预测。我将遵循Cuervo(2003)的事件结构来分析这个结构的组成部分;以及嵌入条款中T的缺失或不充分说明,从而允许通过CP将DP从矩阵条款提升到Spec,T (Martins & Nunes 2010;Fernandez-Salgueiro 2005;Fong 2019, Pesetsky & Torrego 2001, 2004, 2007)。首先,我要证明这个结构的单句性。然后,我将展示这种结构是通过互补的事件组织来实现的:状态事件选择动态事件,并且两者都从迭代的方面角度进行解释;最后,我将通过下动词T的特征不规范来解释主语从较低的从句上升,随后DP“逃逸”到更高的层次,为此,我们假设考虑Esp, C作为论点位置或混合a / a '的可能性,鉴于ESTAR的选择属性。
In this paper, I will describe the construction Ella esta que canta (‘She is that (she) sings’) from the Peruvian variety of Spanish, where ‘estar’ selects a CP to conform a complex predication. I will follow Cuervo’s (2003) eventive structure in order to analyse the components in this construction; and the absence or underspecification of T in the embedded clause which allow the raising of DP through CP to Spec,T from the matrix clause (Martins & Nunes 2010; Fernandez-Salgueiro 2005; Fong 2019, Pesetsky & Torrego 2001, 2004, 2007). I will prove, in the first place, the monoclausality of the structure. Then, I will show that this structure is made through an organization of events by complementation: a state event selects a dynamic one, and both are interpreted from an aspectual perspective of iteration; finally, I will explain the rising of the subject from a lower clause through the feature nonspecification of T of the lower verb, with the consequent “escape” of the DP to a higher level, and, for this, we assume the possibility of considering Esp, C as argument position or mixed A / A ‘, given the selection properties of ESTAR.