西班牙语+FC

IF 0.1 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS
Víctor Arturo Martel Paredes
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在本文中,我将描述来自秘鲁西班牙语的结构Ella esta que canta(“她就是那个(她)唱歌”),其中“estar”选择一个CP来符合一个复杂的预测。我将遵循Cuervo(2003)的事件结构来分析这个结构的组成部分;以及嵌入条款中T的缺失或不充分说明,从而允许通过CP将DP从矩阵条款提升到Spec,T (Martins & Nunes 2010;Fernandez-Salgueiro 2005;Fong 2019, Pesetsky & Torrego 2001, 2004, 2007)。首先,我要证明这个结构的单句性。然后,我将展示这种结构是通过互补的事件组织来实现的:状态事件选择动态事件,并且两者都从迭代的方面角度进行解释;最后,我将通过下动词T的特征不规范来解释主语从较低的从句上升,随后DP“逃逸”到更高的层次,为此,我们假设考虑Esp, C作为论点位置或混合a / a '的可能性,鉴于ESTAR的选择属性。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
ESTAR + FC en el castellano peruano
In this paper, I will describe the construction Ella esta que canta (‘She is that (she) sings’) from the Peruvian variety of Spanish, where ‘estar’ selects a CP to conform a complex predication. I will follow Cuervo’s (2003) eventive structure in order to analyse the components in this construction; and the absence or underspecification of T in the embedded clause which allow the raising of DP through CP to Spec,T from the matrix clause (Martins & Nunes 2010; Fernandez-Salgueiro 2005; Fong 2019, Pesetsky & Torrego 2001, 2004, 2007). I will prove, in the first place, the monoclausality of the structure. Then, I will show that this structure is made through an organization of events by complementation: a state event selects a dynamic one, and both are interpreted from an aspectual perspective of iteration; finally, I will explain the rising of the subject from a lower clause through the feature nonspecification of T of the lower verb, with the consequent “escape” of the DP to a higher level, and, for this, we assume the possibility of considering Esp, C as argument position or mixed A / A ‘, given the selection properties of ESTAR.
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