从饥荒前到饥荒后:1987-2012年朝鲜儿童体重不足的趋势

Q1 Arts and Humanities
D. Schwekendiek
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As a manifestation of food calamities, mean final height of North Korean men, taken as a proxy for nutritional and epidemiological stress in early life,2 merely stagnated for all decades of the Cold War.3,4 In stark contrast, contemporary South Korean men are by now the tallest in all of East Asia because of healthy and wealthy living conditions in the southern half of the Korean Peninsula.5Worst of all, by the 1990s, North Korea experienced a great famine.6,7 Massive starvation of North Koreans occurred with the downfall of socialism and the geopolitical disintegration of the Eastern Bloc. Food, fertilizers, and energy could no longer be afforded on the basis of world market prices. Lacking these necessary inputs, North Korea's economy collapsed in the 1990s.8 More important, in the previous Cold War era, the socialist government inefficiently focused on heavy industrialization and symbolic mammoth projects of marginal economic use in addition to overspending up to one-third of its budget on the military.9 This leftNorth Korea without comparative advantages in exports in the post-Cold War era to raise the levels of living and revive its economy.Though macroeconomic shocks and long-term strategic malinvestments are the underlying causes for North Korea's decline after the Cold War, the food crisis of the 1990s itself was triggered by two consecutive floods in 1995 and 1996 that devastated large parts of the country and \"evolved into a major famine.\"10 The floods in turn were a result of the El Nino weather anomaly at that time, although deforestation accelerated the crisis. However, by the early 2000s, North Korean living standards improved thanks to international assistance. In the early 1990s, North Korea joined the United Nations, and after the first floods in 1995, it officially appealed for aid. Ever since then, international food aid has been pouring into the DPRK, with peaks from 1997 to 2005 (Figure 1). Another important factor for North Korea's revitalization in the post-Cold War era was liberalization reforms. These were officially introduced in 2002 (\"July First Reforms\") and led to a paradigmatic shift, including marketization and decentralization.11,12,13 Table 1 demonstrates that probably 78 percent of North Koreans were participating in the informal economy by the time they were interviewed from 2004 to 2005.This article investigates the trends in underweight of children in North Korea from 1987 to 2012 to explore how the nutritional status of the North Korean people developed in the critical decade of the 1990s and beyond. 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As a manifestation of food calamities, mean final height of North Korean men, taken as a proxy for nutritional and epidemiological stress in early life,2 merely stagnated for all decades of the Cold War.3,4 In stark contrast, contemporary South Korean men are by now the tallest in all of East Asia because of healthy and wealthy living conditions in the southern half of the Korean Peninsula.5Worst of all, by the 1990s, North Korea experienced a great famine.6,7 Massive starvation of North Koreans occurred with the downfall of socialism and the geopolitical disintegration of the Eastern Bloc. Food, fertilizers, and energy could no longer be afforded on the basis of world market prices. Lacking these necessary inputs, North Korea's economy collapsed in the 1990s.8 More important, in the previous Cold War era, the socialist government inefficiently focused on heavy industrialization and symbolic mammoth projects of marginal economic use in addition to overspending up to one-third of its budget on the military.9 This leftNorth Korea without comparative advantages in exports in the post-Cold War era to raise the levels of living and revive its economy.Though macroeconomic shocks and long-term strategic malinvestments are the underlying causes for North Korea's decline after the Cold War, the food crisis of the 1990s itself was triggered by two consecutive floods in 1995 and 1996 that devastated large parts of the country and \\\"evolved into a major famine.\\\"10 The floods in turn were a result of the El Nino weather anomaly at that time, although deforestation accelerated the crisis. 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引用次数: 1

摘要

朝鲜民主主义人民共和国(DPRK)(也被称为朝鲜)领导层的目标是让所有人都“吃米饭配肉汤”,这是一个常见的宣传口号。然而,与官方声明相反,自1948年朝鲜建国以来,营养紧张一直困扰着朝鲜,这是由新兴的冷战(1945-1991)带来的。食物灾害的表现,意味着最终身高的朝鲜男人,作为一个代理在生命早期营养和流行病学压力,2只对所有几十年的寒冷War.3停滞不前,4形成鲜明对比,当代韩国人现在最高的在所有的东亚,因为健康和富裕的生活条件在南部一半的韩国Peninsula.5Worst,到了1990年代,朝鲜经历了一次大饥荒。随着社会主义的垮台和东方集团的地缘政治解体,朝鲜发生了大规模的饥荒。粮食、化肥和能源再也无法按照世界市场价格来支付。由于缺乏这些必要的投入,朝鲜经济在上世纪90年代崩溃了更重要的是,在之前的冷战时期,社会主义政府除了将高达三分之一的预算超支用于军事之外,还低效地把重点放在了重工业化和象征性的、经济用途有限的大型项目上这使得朝鲜在后冷战时期没有出口方面的比较优势,无法提高生活水平和重振经济。尽管宏观经济冲击和长期战略投资不当是朝鲜在冷战后衰落的根本原因,但上世纪90年代的粮食危机本身是由1995年和1996年连续两次洪水引发的,洪水摧毁了朝鲜的大部分地区,并“演变成一场大饥荒”。洪水反过来是当时厄尔尼诺天气异常的结果,尽管森林砍伐加速了这场危机。然而,到21世纪初,由于国际援助,朝鲜的生活水平得到了改善。上世纪90年代初,朝鲜加入了联合国,在1995年发生第一次洪灾后,朝鲜正式请求援助。此后,国际粮食援助不断涌入朝鲜,1997年至2005年达到高峰(图1)。后冷战时期朝鲜振兴的另一个重要因素是自由化改革。这些改革于2002年正式推出(“七一改革”),并导致了包括市场化和分散化在内的范式转变。表1表明,在2004年至2005年接受采访时,大约78%的朝鲜人参加了非正规经济活动。本文调查了1987年至2012年朝鲜儿童体重不足的趋势,以探讨朝鲜人民的营养状况在20世纪90年代及其后的关键十年中是如何发展的。首先,本研究的起点是1987年,这是一个饥荒前的时期,当时朝鲜仍被纳入东方集团。最后一个观测年份是饥荒后的2012年,距离上世纪90年代的大饥荒已经过去了10多年。因此,这项研究为朝鲜生物社会生活水平的长期发展提供了非常罕见的证据。先前对朝鲜儿童营养不良的统计分析侧重于饥荒高峰期间(14,15)或饥荒之后(16,17)的横向证据,以及粮食危机的区域影响。18,19更重要的是,本文利用最近公布的基于2003年至2004年进行的全国代表性人体测量调查的统计数据,将朝鲜儿童的体重不足率与韩国儿童的体重不足率进行了比较。这是另一个有趣的比较,因为两国拥有相同的基因和文化祖先,而且在过去的几个世纪里也没有受到太多的移民影响。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
From Pre- to Post-Famine: Trends in Underweight among North Korean Children, 1987-2012
IntroductionTo let all people "eat rice with meat soup," as a common propaganda slogan has it, has been an objective of the leadership of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), also known as North Korea.1 Yet contrary to official proclamation, nutritional stress has lingered in North Korea ever since its foundation in 1948, which was brought about by the emerging Cold War (1945-1991). As a manifestation of food calamities, mean final height of North Korean men, taken as a proxy for nutritional and epidemiological stress in early life,2 merely stagnated for all decades of the Cold War.3,4 In stark contrast, contemporary South Korean men are by now the tallest in all of East Asia because of healthy and wealthy living conditions in the southern half of the Korean Peninsula.5Worst of all, by the 1990s, North Korea experienced a great famine.6,7 Massive starvation of North Koreans occurred with the downfall of socialism and the geopolitical disintegration of the Eastern Bloc. Food, fertilizers, and energy could no longer be afforded on the basis of world market prices. Lacking these necessary inputs, North Korea's economy collapsed in the 1990s.8 More important, in the previous Cold War era, the socialist government inefficiently focused on heavy industrialization and symbolic mammoth projects of marginal economic use in addition to overspending up to one-third of its budget on the military.9 This leftNorth Korea without comparative advantages in exports in the post-Cold War era to raise the levels of living and revive its economy.Though macroeconomic shocks and long-term strategic malinvestments are the underlying causes for North Korea's decline after the Cold War, the food crisis of the 1990s itself was triggered by two consecutive floods in 1995 and 1996 that devastated large parts of the country and "evolved into a major famine."10 The floods in turn were a result of the El Nino weather anomaly at that time, although deforestation accelerated the crisis. However, by the early 2000s, North Korean living standards improved thanks to international assistance. In the early 1990s, North Korea joined the United Nations, and after the first floods in 1995, it officially appealed for aid. Ever since then, international food aid has been pouring into the DPRK, with peaks from 1997 to 2005 (Figure 1). Another important factor for North Korea's revitalization in the post-Cold War era was liberalization reforms. These were officially introduced in 2002 ("July First Reforms") and led to a paradigmatic shift, including marketization and decentralization.11,12,13 Table 1 demonstrates that probably 78 percent of North Koreans were participating in the informal economy by the time they were interviewed from 2004 to 2005.This article investigates the trends in underweight of children in North Korea from 1987 to 2012 to explore how the nutritional status of the North Korean people developed in the critical decade of the 1990s and beyond. First and foremost, the starting point of this study is the year 1987, which is a prefamine period when North Korea was still integrated into the Eastern Bloc. The last year of observation is the post-famine year 2012, which is over a decade after the great famine of the 1990s. Hence, this study offers very rare evidence on the long-term development of North Korean biosocial living standards. Previous statistical analysis on North Korean child malnutrition focused on cross-sectional evidence during the peak of famine14,15 or after the famine16,17 as well as on the regional effects of the food crisis.18,19 What is more, this paper compares underweight rates of children in North Korea to that of their peers in South Korea by drawing on recently released statistics based on a nationally representative anthropometric survey carried out from 2003 to 2004. This is another intriguing comparison because both Koreas share the same genetic and cultural ancestry and were also not affected much by migration over the last centuries. …
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North Korean Review
North Korean Review Arts and Humanities-History
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