赫鲁晓夫以后:1964年10月—1965年6月苏共中央主席团的活动马林的笔记

IF 0.1 Q4 HISTORY
I. A. Permyakov, T. Dzhalilov, N. Pivovarov
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引用次数: 0

摘要

本文分析了苏联共产党(СС苏共)中央主席团1964年10月至1965年6月各次会议的初步工作记录,这些记录是由СС苏共总部部长马林在1954年至1965年期间所作的。本研究的目的和目标是利用俄罗斯国家近代史档案馆(RGANI)的独特历史资料(这些资料正被引入科学用途)来推断苏联最高政治领导层在政治体制转型和权力职能重新分配后发展关键决策的机制。尽管对勃列日涅夫领导下的苏联历史的各个方面进行了广泛的史学研究,但这一主题尚未在国内外学术界得到适当的报道。由于研究的特殊性,作者采用了综合的方法论方法,结合了来源批评、问题编年史和系统结构方法,这在一定程度上允许尽可能令人信服地解释引入科学应用的历史来源。在分析了当时苏共中央委员会主席团会议上审议的问题后,作者得出结论,主要议题的范围在1964年10月之后没有改变:国内和外交政策的关键问题仍然是苏联最高政治机构关注的焦点,但其处理这些问题的方法确实发生了变化。中央委员会主席团的一个重要活动领域是克服赫鲁晓夫的遗产。这可能是与前苏联领导人辞去众多职务有关的正式问题,也可能是意识形态性质的根本问题。国际关系是修改赫鲁晓夫政策的核心,导致苏联外交政策战略和策略的重新考虑。1964-1965年10月下旬,苏联领导层努力与阿尔巴尼亚执政党和中华人民共和国(PRC)实现关系正常化,这种关系在赫鲁晓夫时代经受了“持久性考验”。中央委员会主席团会议的初步工作记录表明,苏联领导人对苏联内部问题的讨论和对国际问题的讨论一样生动和激烈。主要的讨论围绕着两个基本问题:农业的情况和工业计划制度的变化。1964年末至1965年初,对土地改革必要性的讨论占主导地位,而自1965年春季以来,对改革计划工业生产的讨论占主导地位。作者的结论是,苏联领导人在执行其倡议时,在许多方面受到前几年发展起来的政治制度结构以及现有外交政策现实的限制。作者认为,对苏联最高政治领导层制定关键决策的机制报道不足,并将这项研究的前景与扩大对档案建筑群的访问联系起来。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
After Khrushchev: Activities of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU in October 1964 – June 1965 according to V.?N. Malin’s Notes
The article analyzes preliminary working notes of the meetings of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (СС CPSU) from October 1964 to June 1965, which were made by V. N. Malin, head of the General Department of the СС CPSU from 1954 to 1965. The purpose and objective of the study is to use unique historical sources from the fonds of the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (RGANI), which are being thus introduced into scientific use, to deduce the mechanisms of developing key decisions in the supreme political leadership of the USSR, while political system was transformed and power functions redistributed after the resignation of N. S. Khrushchev. Extensive historiography of various aspects of the history of the Soviet Union under L. I. Brezhnev notwithstanding, this topic has not yet received its proper coverage in national and foreign scholarship. Due to research specifics, the authors have used comprehensive methodological approach, based on a combination of source criticism, problem-chronological and system-structural methods, which permits, to some degree, to interpret the historical sources introduced into scientific use as convincingly as possible. Having analyzed issues considered at the meetings of the Presidium of the CC of the CPSU at the time, the authors come to a conclusion that the main range of topics did not change after October 1964: key problems of domestic and foreign policy remained in the focus of attention of the supreme political body of the USSR, while its approach to them did change. An important area of activity of the Presidium of the Central Committee was overcoming the N. S. Khrushchev legacy. This could have been formal issues related to the resignation of the former Soviet leader from his numerous posts, as well as fundamental problems of ideological nature. International relations were central in revision of N. S. Khrushchev's policy, resulting in a reconsideration of the Soviet foreign policy strategy and tactics. In late October 1964-1965, the Soviet leadership made efforts to normalize the relations with the ruling parties of Albania and the People's Republic of China (PRC), which had been “tested for durability” in the N. S. Khrushchev era. The preliminary working notes of the meetings of the Presidium of the Central Committee show that internal problems of the USSR were discussed by the Soviet leaders just as vividly and intensely as international ones. The main discussions revolved around two fundamental issues: situation in the agriculture and changes in the planning system in industry. Discussions of the need for agrarian reforms dominated late 1964 – early 1965, while discussion of reforming planning industrial production figured large since spring of 1965. The authors conclude that, when implementing their initiatives, the leaders of the Soviet Union, in many respects, were limited by the configuration of the political system developed over the previous years, as well as by the existing foreign policy realities. The authors argue insufficient coverage of the mechanisms for developing key decisions by the top political leadership of the USSR and connect the prospects for this research with expanded access to archival complexes.
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