{"title":"罪恶源于羞耻和恐惧。","authors":"R. Praspaliauskienė, A. Matulyte","doi":"10.30965/25386565-00601005","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The crimes committed by women in most societies account for only about 10 per cent. One would think that women are not inclined to commit crimes, but they dominate in some crimes. Women committed half the murders in nineteenth-century Lithuania. Violent deaths of infants constituted about half of the total cases of violent deaths. Infanticide was the most common type of murder in Lithuania in the nineteenth century. This study is based on the analysis of court cases of 85 women accused of infanticide. The article analyses the motivation of the accused women, it seeks to give the answer to the question whether these women were cruel. The fact that most of the accused women (88.2 per cent) belonged to the same social layer of unmarried hired farm labourers suggests that infanticide was not an ordinary, accidental crime. It had deep social causes in that society. The women were scared of the reaction of their parents and the entire rural community. Shame and fear of being turned out and becoming an outcast in the community constituted perhaps the main cause of that crime. Poverty was another important cause for committing a crime. Hired farm labourers were afraid of losing jobs. It was especially difficult for a single mother with a child to find employment and to earn a living for herself and her child; quite often she had to go begging. The accused women were familiar with the fate of single mothers. Such a girl had no future in a rural community. Nonetheless, one can think that getting rid of a baby was a primitive form of birth control in the nineteenth century. Therefore these women should not be regarded as cruel. Simply the way that they chose was more acceptable to that social environment in which they lived. Crimes and criminal behaviour in Lithuania in the nineteenth century are not a new theme and this problem has already been considered by historians. The policing system, the development of punishment, the attitude of the authorities and the public to crimes and criminals in the nineteenth century were discussed by Vladas Sirutavičius.1 In her monograph2 Dalia Marcinkevičienė drew at1 V. Sirutavičius, Nusikaltimas ir visuomenė XIX amžiaus Lietuvoje (Vilnius, 1999). 2 D. Marcinkevičienė, Vedusiųjų visuomenė: santuoka ir skyrybos Lietuvoje XIX amžiuje – XX amžiaus pradžioje (Vilnius, 1999). LITHUANIAN HISTORICAL STUDIES 6 2001 ISSN 1392-2343 pp. 89–105 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com02/13/2020 04:37:18AM via free access 9 0 RIMA PRASPALIAUSKIENĖ tention to the violent behaviour of women towards their spouses and the situation of illegitimate children in traditional Lithuanian society. However, the violent behaviour of women in Lithuania of the nineteenth century is still a new phenomenon, which practically has not been considered by Lithuanian historians so far. The subject of study of the present article is criminal behaviour of women and violent deaths of infants in Lithuania in the nineteenth and the early twentieth century. The study is based on the analysis of criminal actions brought for infanticide.3 In many societies only about 10 per cent of crimes used to be committed by women. It would be easy to think that women were not inclined to commit crimes, but they were dominant in some types of crimes. Women committed practically half the number of murders and most often newly born babies fell a victim to them. Violent deaths of babies accounted for about half the cases of violent deaths. Infanticide was usually the most common type of murder in Lithuania in the nineteenth century. Statistics for 1884– 1900 records 696 cases of infanticide in the Kaunas Gubernia, that is, on average 40.9 babies perished in that Gubernia every year4 . Data for the Vilnius Gubernia are very fragmentary, 106 such cases were recorded in 1896–1900, i.e., on average 21.2 babies perished annually. There is no reliable criminal statistics about this issue covering the whole nineteenth century. However, one can think that the figures recorded, as well as the cases investigated in courts, are only the tip of the iceberg, and the actual scope of these crimes can only be guessed. Why did women try to get rid of their illegitimate babies? Does that mean that they were cruel? Seeking to give an answer to these questions, we have analysed 85 court cases of the women who were accused of infanticide. The existing criminal cases that were brought against women who committed infanticide allow us to draw the conclusion that the violent death of an illegitimate baby surprised nobody in the Lithuanian village in the nineteenth century. Punishments According to the law, murder was subject to severe punishment. Punishment for infanticide was imposed on the 3 The study was based on the cases of the Supreme Court of Lithuania (Lithuanian Historical State Archive (henceforth LVIA) f. 443, the Department of Criminal Cases of Vilnius Joint Civil and Criminal Court (LVIA), f. 447) and the Vilnius District Court (LVIA, f. 448) 4 Pamiatnaia knizhka Kovenskoi gubernii, 1884-1900. Heruntergeladen von Brill.com02/13/2020 04:37:18AM via free access 9 1 CRIME BORN OF SHAME AND FEAR basis of criminal laws of the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire. That Code established the same punishment for premeditated infanticide as for any other type of murder; Article 19995 provided for the following punishment for this crime – depriving the individual of all property rights, sending the woman to penal servitude and imposing corporal punishment. However, mitigating circumstances were also provided for in case of infanticide, where ordinary murder was differentiated from the murder of a newly born baby. If the crime was committed against a newly born baby because of a feeling of shame or fear, and the woman had not committed a similar crime before, if she was single and gave birth for the first time, such a woman was subject to the deprivation of all property rights, deportation to Siberia and corporal punishment (Article 2000).6 Similar punishments were imposed for leaving the baby without any care, provided that it resulted in its death – corporal punishment, deportation or corrective labour from 3 to 6 years. Women were subject to imprisonment from three months to one year for hiding a stillborn baby due to shame and fear (Article 2009).7 By the way, according to the Lithuanian Statute of 1588, the death sentence was imposed for the murder of an illegitimate baby or killing a foetus.8 The church punishment of spiritual repentance for living together with a man without marriage was imposed on a woman accused of killing her baby. Spiritual repentance was applied to all women irrespective of the type of punishment that was imposed on them. In 85 cases mentioned above 84 women and one man (a priest) were accused. Different punishments were administered depending on the circumstances of the case – ranging from spiritual repentance in a monastery or an asylum to penal servitude in Siberia. Seven per cent of women were acquitted for lack of evidence, 16 per cent of women had to serve a term of imprisonment, 27 per cent of women were deported to Siberia. Public corporal punishments from 10 to 200 lashes were applied to 30 per cent of the accused. These women were given the lashes in the market places of cities and small towns; spiritual repentance was administered to 20 per cent of the women. 5 Svod Zakonov Rossiskoi imperii, Ugolovnye zakony, t. 15, 1837, r. X., gl. I, p. 501. 6 Ibid., p. 501-502. 7 Ibid., p. 504-505. 8 Cтaтyт ВКЛ 1588 года, p. 12, apт. 60 (Минск, 1989), c. 439 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com02/13/2020 04:37:18AM via free access 9 2 RIMA PRASPALIAUSKIENĖ The Accused Women Infanticide in Lithuania was common in rural areas. Practically all the crimes that have been investigated were committed in the countryside. Victims of these crimes without any exception were illegitimate children. Their mothers were Catholics who belonged to the poorest strata of the society – hired farm labourers. They were young, single (88.2 per cent) hired farm labourers – peasants, individual farm-hands, as well as those that belonged to the gentry, whom their landlords characterized as good workers. At the time of committing their crime they were twenty years old and were employed by their landlords. Only some of the girls lived in their parents’ homes. Married women accounted for 11.8 per cent among the women accused of committing the crime. As a rule they were older and it was not their first birth. They were widows, the wives of army recruits, or women who actually did not live together with their husbands. For example, the peasant Sofija Šalčienė was married for three years but her husband did not live with her. He stayed to live with his parents in Vilnius. The spouses had no children. Neither had they any property. Sofija served in the country and she was made pregnant by her landlord’s son.9 For many women this was the first crime in their life. Only one accused woman, Marijona Čiotirkutė, aged 45, got rid of a baby for the second time.10 Sixteen and a half per cent of the accused women had illegitimate children before, but most of them were dead. These women knew what it meant to be a single mother in the society of that time. They could expect help neither from their parents nor their brothers because they themselves were poor and worked as hired labourers. Besides, a large part of young girls had no parents. The peasant Anelė Matuzaitė had a nine-year old illegitimate daughter already. The woman had no permanent place of residence, and had difficulties in finding a job.11 Petronėlė Rustelytė managed to find a job because her uncle, a reservist, brought up her illegitimate son.12 9 Byla valstietei Sofijai Šalčienei, 1884, LVIA, f. 448, ap. 1, b. 44, f. 7. 10 Byla Marijonai Čiotirkutei, 1802, LVIA, f. 443, ap. 1, b. 174, f. 1 11 Byla valstietei Anelei Matuzaitei, 1870, LVIA, f. 447, ap. 1, b. 7655, f. 15. 12 Byla valstietei Petronėlei Rustelytei, 1846, LVIA, f. 447, ap. 1","PeriodicalId":39190,"journal":{"name":"Lithuanian historical studies / Lithuanian Institute of History","volume":"6 1","pages":"89-105"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1000,"publicationDate":"2001-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Crime born of shame and fear.\",\"authors\":\"R. Praspaliauskienė, A. Matulyte\",\"doi\":\"10.30965/25386565-00601005\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"The crimes committed by women in most societies account for only about 10 per cent. One would think that women are not inclined to commit crimes, but they dominate in some crimes. Women committed half the murders in nineteenth-century Lithuania. Violent deaths of infants constituted about half of the total cases of violent deaths. Infanticide was the most common type of murder in Lithuania in the nineteenth century. This study is based on the analysis of court cases of 85 women accused of infanticide. The article analyses the motivation of the accused women, it seeks to give the answer to the question whether these women were cruel. The fact that most of the accused women (88.2 per cent) belonged to the same social layer of unmarried hired farm labourers suggests that infanticide was not an ordinary, accidental crime. It had deep social causes in that society. The women were scared of the reaction of their parents and the entire rural community. Shame and fear of being turned out and becoming an outcast in the community constituted perhaps the main cause of that crime. Poverty was another important cause for committing a crime. Hired farm labourers were afraid of losing jobs. It was especially difficult for a single mother with a child to find employment and to earn a living for herself and her child; quite often she had to go begging. The accused women were familiar with the fate of single mothers. Such a girl had no future in a rural community. Nonetheless, one can think that getting rid of a baby was a primitive form of birth control in the nineteenth century. Therefore these women should not be regarded as cruel. Simply the way that they chose was more acceptable to that social environment in which they lived. Crimes and criminal behaviour in Lithuania in the nineteenth century are not a new theme and this problem has already been considered by historians. The policing system, the development of punishment, the attitude of the authorities and the public to crimes and criminals in the nineteenth century were discussed by Vladas Sirutavičius.1 In her monograph2 Dalia Marcinkevičienė drew at1 V. Sirutavičius, Nusikaltimas ir visuomenė XIX amžiaus Lietuvoje (Vilnius, 1999). 2 D. Marcinkevičienė, Vedusiųjų visuomenė: santuoka ir skyrybos Lietuvoje XIX amžiuje – XX amžiaus pradžioje (Vilnius, 1999). LITHUANIAN HISTORICAL STUDIES 6 2001 ISSN 1392-2343 pp. 89–105 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com02/13/2020 04:37:18AM via free access 9 0 RIMA PRASPALIAUSKIENĖ tention to the violent behaviour of women towards their spouses and the situation of illegitimate children in traditional Lithuanian society. However, the violent behaviour of women in Lithuania of the nineteenth century is still a new phenomenon, which practically has not been considered by Lithuanian historians so far. The subject of study of the present article is criminal behaviour of women and violent deaths of infants in Lithuania in the nineteenth and the early twentieth century. The study is based on the analysis of criminal actions brought for infanticide.3 In many societies only about 10 per cent of crimes used to be committed by women. It would be easy to think that women were not inclined to commit crimes, but they were dominant in some types of crimes. Women committed practically half the number of murders and most often newly born babies fell a victim to them. Violent deaths of babies accounted for about half the cases of violent deaths. Infanticide was usually the most common type of murder in Lithuania in the nineteenth century. Statistics for 1884– 1900 records 696 cases of infanticide in the Kaunas Gubernia, that is, on average 40.9 babies perished in that Gubernia every year4 . Data for the Vilnius Gubernia are very fragmentary, 106 such cases were recorded in 1896–1900, i.e., on average 21.2 babies perished annually. There is no reliable criminal statistics about this issue covering the whole nineteenth century. However, one can think that the figures recorded, as well as the cases investigated in courts, are only the tip of the iceberg, and the actual scope of these crimes can only be guessed. Why did women try to get rid of their illegitimate babies? Does that mean that they were cruel? Seeking to give an answer to these questions, we have analysed 85 court cases of the women who were accused of infanticide. The existing criminal cases that were brought against women who committed infanticide allow us to draw the conclusion that the violent death of an illegitimate baby surprised nobody in the Lithuanian village in the nineteenth century. Punishments According to the law, murder was subject to severe punishment. Punishment for infanticide was imposed on the 3 The study was based on the cases of the Supreme Court of Lithuania (Lithuanian Historical State Archive (henceforth LVIA) f. 443, the Department of Criminal Cases of Vilnius Joint Civil and Criminal Court (LVIA), f. 447) and the Vilnius District Court (LVIA, f. 448) 4 Pamiatnaia knizhka Kovenskoi gubernii, 1884-1900. Heruntergeladen von Brill.com02/13/2020 04:37:18AM via free access 9 1 CRIME BORN OF SHAME AND FEAR basis of criminal laws of the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire. That Code established the same punishment for premeditated infanticide as for any other type of murder; Article 19995 provided for the following punishment for this crime – depriving the individual of all property rights, sending the woman to penal servitude and imposing corporal punishment. However, mitigating circumstances were also provided for in case of infanticide, where ordinary murder was differentiated from the murder of a newly born baby. If the crime was committed against a newly born baby because of a feeling of shame or fear, and the woman had not committed a similar crime before, if she was single and gave birth for the first time, such a woman was subject to the deprivation of all property rights, deportation to Siberia and corporal punishment (Article 2000).6 Similar punishments were imposed for leaving the baby without any care, provided that it resulted in its death – corporal punishment, deportation or corrective labour from 3 to 6 years. Women were subject to imprisonment from three months to one year for hiding a stillborn baby due to shame and fear (Article 2009).7 By the way, according to the Lithuanian Statute of 1588, the death sentence was imposed for the murder of an illegitimate baby or killing a foetus.8 The church punishment of spiritual repentance for living together with a man without marriage was imposed on a woman accused of killing her baby. Spiritual repentance was applied to all women irrespective of the type of punishment that was imposed on them. In 85 cases mentioned above 84 women and one man (a priest) were accused. Different punishments were administered depending on the circumstances of the case – ranging from spiritual repentance in a monastery or an asylum to penal servitude in Siberia. Seven per cent of women were acquitted for lack of evidence, 16 per cent of women had to serve a term of imprisonment, 27 per cent of women were deported to Siberia. Public corporal punishments from 10 to 200 lashes were applied to 30 per cent of the accused. These women were given the lashes in the market places of cities and small towns; spiritual repentance was administered to 20 per cent of the women. 5 Svod Zakonov Rossiskoi imperii, Ugolovnye zakony, t. 15, 1837, r. X., gl. I, p. 501. 6 Ibid., p. 501-502. 7 Ibid., p. 504-505. 8 Cтaтyт ВКЛ 1588 года, p. 12, apт. 60 (Минск, 1989), c. 439 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com02/13/2020 04:37:18AM via free access 9 2 RIMA PRASPALIAUSKIENĖ The Accused Women Infanticide in Lithuania was common in rural areas. Practically all the crimes that have been investigated were committed in the countryside. Victims of these crimes without any exception were illegitimate children. Their mothers were Catholics who belonged to the poorest strata of the society – hired farm labourers. They were young, single (88.2 per cent) hired farm labourers – peasants, individual farm-hands, as well as those that belonged to the gentry, whom their landlords characterized as good workers. At the time of committing their crime they were twenty years old and were employed by their landlords. Only some of the girls lived in their parents’ homes. Married women accounted for 11.8 per cent among the women accused of committing the crime. As a rule they were older and it was not their first birth. They were widows, the wives of army recruits, or women who actually did not live together with their husbands. For example, the peasant Sofija Šalčienė was married for three years but her husband did not live with her. He stayed to live with his parents in Vilnius. The spouses had no children. Neither had they any property. Sofija served in the country and she was made pregnant by her landlord’s son.9 For many women this was the first crime in their life. Only one accused woman, Marijona Čiotirkutė, aged 45, got rid of a baby for the second time.10 Sixteen and a half per cent of the accused women had illegitimate children before, but most of them were dead. These women knew what it meant to be a single mother in the society of that time. They could expect help neither from their parents nor their brothers because they themselves were poor and worked as hired labourers. Besides, a large part of young girls had no parents. The peasant Anelė Matuzaitė had a nine-year old illegitimate daughter already. The woman had no permanent place of residence, and had difficulties in finding a job.11 Petronėlė Rustelytė managed to find a job because her uncle, a reservist, brought up her illegitimate son.12 9 Byla valstietei Sofijai Šalčienei, 1884, LVIA, f. 448, ap. 1, b. 44, f. 7. 10 Byla Marijonai Čiotirkutei, 1802, LVIA, f. 443, ap. 1, b. 174, f. 1 11 Byla valstietei Anelei Matuzaitei, 1870, LVIA, f. 447, ap. 1, b. 7655, f. 15. 12 Byla valstietei Petronėlei Rustelytei, 1846, LVIA, f. 447, ap. 1\",\"PeriodicalId\":39190,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Lithuanian historical studies / Lithuanian Institute of History\",\"volume\":\"6 1\",\"pages\":\"89-105\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.1000,\"publicationDate\":\"2001-01-01\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"1\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Lithuanian historical studies / Lithuanian Institute of History\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.30965/25386565-00601005\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q4\",\"JCRName\":\"HISTORY\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Lithuanian historical studies / Lithuanian Institute of History","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.30965/25386565-00601005","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q4","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
摘要
在大多数社会中,女性犯下的罪行只占大约10%。人们会认为女性不倾向于犯罪,但她们在某些犯罪中占主导地位。在19世纪的立陶宛,妇女犯下了一半的谋杀案。婴儿暴力死亡约占暴力死亡总数的一半。杀婴是19世纪立陶宛最常见的谋杀形式。这项研究是基于对85名被控杀婴的妇女的法庭案件的分析。本文分析了被指控妇女的动机,试图回答这些妇女是否残忍的问题。大多数被指控的妇女(88.2%)属于同一社会阶层的未婚雇工,这一事实表明,杀婴不是一种普通的意外犯罪。在那个社会里,它有着深刻的社会原因。这些妇女害怕她们的父母和整个农村社区的反应。羞耻感和害怕被赶出社交圈,成为社会的弃儿,可能是造成这种犯罪的主要原因。贫穷是犯罪的另一个重要原因。雇工害怕失去工作。有孩子的单身母亲找工作和为自己和孩子谋生尤其困难;她常常不得不去乞讨。被指控的女性对单身母亲的命运很熟悉。这样的女孩在农村没有前途。尽管如此,人们可以认为,在19世纪,让孩子离开是一种原始的节育方式。因此这些女人不应该被认为是残忍的。只是他们选择的方式更容易被他们所生活的社会环境所接受。19世纪立陶宛的犯罪和犯罪行为并不是一个新主题,历史学家已经研究过这个问题。Vladas sirutaviius讨论了19世纪的治安制度、惩罚的发展、当局和公众对犯罪和罪犯的态度在她的专著中,达丽娅·马金克·维<e:1>伊恩维画了1页。sirutavi<e:1> ius, Nusikaltimas ir visuomennixix amžiaus Lietuvoje(维尔纽斯,1999年)。2 D. marcinkevi<e:1> ienkv, Vedusiųjų visuomenkv: santuoka ir skyrybos Lietuvoje XIX amžiuje - XX amžiaus pradžioje(维尔纽斯,1999年)。立陶宛历史研究6 2001 ISSN 1392-2343 pp. 89-105 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com02/13/2020 04:37:18AM通过免费获取90 RIMA PRASPALIAUSKIENĖ关注传统立陶宛社会中妇女对配偶的暴力行为和私生子的情况。然而,19世纪立陶宛妇女的暴力行为仍然是一个新现象,迄今为止立陶宛历史学家实际上还没有考虑到这一点。本文的研究主题是19世纪和20世纪初立陶宛妇女的犯罪行为和婴儿的暴力死亡。这项研究是基于对因杀婴而提起的刑事诉讼的分析在许多社会中,过去只有大约10%的罪行是由妇女犯下的。人们很容易认为女性不倾向于犯罪,但她们在某些类型的犯罪中占主导地位。妇女犯下的谋杀案几乎占总数的一半,而且最常见的是新生儿成为她们的受害者。婴儿暴力死亡约占暴力死亡案件的一半。在19世纪的立陶宛,杀婴通常是最常见的谋杀类型。1884年至1900年的统计数据记录了考纳斯省696起杀婴案,即平均每年有40.9名婴儿死亡。维尔纽斯省的数据非常零碎,1896年至1900年记录了106起这样的案件,即平均每年有21.2名婴儿死亡。关于这一问题,没有涵盖整个19世纪的可靠的犯罪统计数据。然而,人们可能会认为,记录的数字以及法庭调查的案件只是冰山一角,这些罪行的实际范围只能猜测。为什么妇女要抛弃她们的私生子?这是否意味着他们很残忍?为了回答这些问题,我们分析了85个被指控杀婴的妇女的法庭案件。针对杀害婴儿的妇女提起的现有刑事案件使我们能够得出这样的结论:19世纪立陶宛村庄里没有人对非法婴儿的暴力死亡感到意外。根据法律,谋杀要受到严厉的惩罚。这项研究是根据立陶宛最高法院(立陶宛历史国家档案馆,第443页)、维尔纽斯民事和刑事联合法院刑事案件部(第447页)和维尔纽斯地区法院(第447页)的案件进行的。 在大多数社会中,女性犯下的罪行只占大约10%。人们会认为女性不倾向于犯罪,但她们在某些犯罪中占主导地位。在19世纪的立陶宛,妇女犯下了一半的谋杀案。婴儿暴力死亡约占暴力死亡总数的一半。杀婴是19世纪立陶宛最常见的谋杀形式。这项研究是基于对85名被控杀婴的妇女的法庭案件的分析。本文分析了被指控妇女的动机,试图回答这些妇女是否残忍的问题。大多数被指控的妇女(88.2%)属于同一社会阶层的未婚雇工,这一事实表明,杀婴不是一种普通的意外犯罪。在那个社会里,它有着深刻的社会原因。这些妇女害怕她们的父母和整个农村社区的反应。羞耻感和害怕被赶出社交圈,成为社会的弃儿,可能是造成这种犯罪的主要原因。贫穷是犯罪的另一个重要原因。雇工害怕失去工作。有孩子的单身母亲找工作和为自己和孩子谋生尤其困难;她常常不得不去乞讨。被指控的女性对单身母亲的命运很熟悉。这样的女孩在农村没有前途。尽管如此,人们可以认为,在19世纪,让孩子离开是一种原始的节育方式。因此这些女人不应该被认为是残忍的。只是他们选择的方式更容易被他们所生活的社会环境所接受。19世纪立陶宛的犯罪和犯罪行为并不是一个新主题,历史学家已经研究过这个问题。Vladas sirutaviius讨论了19世纪的治安制度、惩罚的发展、当局和公众对犯罪和罪犯的态度在她的专著中,达丽娅·马金克·维<e:1>伊恩维画了1页。sirutavi<e:1> ius, Nusikaltimas ir visuomennixix amžiaus Lietuvoje(维尔纽斯,1999年)。2 D. marcinkevi<e:1> ienkv, Vedusiųjų visuomenkv: santuoka ir skyrybos Lietuvoje XIX amžiuje - XX amžiaus pradžioje(维尔纽斯,1999年)。立陶宛历史研究6 2001 ISSN 1392-2343 pp. 89-105 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com02/13/2020 04:37:18AM通过免费获取90 RIMA PRASPALIAUSKIENĖ关注传统立陶宛社会中妇女对配偶的暴力行为和私生子的情况。然而,19世纪立陶宛妇女的暴力行为仍然是一个新现象,迄今为止立陶宛历史学家实际上还没有考虑到这一点。本文的研究主题是19世纪和20世纪初立陶宛妇女的犯罪行为和婴儿的暴力死亡。这项研究是基于对因杀婴而提起的刑事诉讼的分析在许多社会中,过去只有大约10%的罪行是由妇女犯下的。人们很容易认为女性不倾向于犯罪,但她们在某些类型的犯罪中占主导地位。妇女犯下的谋杀案几乎占总数的一半,而且最常见的是新生儿成为她们的受害者。婴儿暴力死亡约占暴力死亡案件的一半。在19世纪的立陶宛,杀婴通常是最常见的谋杀类型。1884年至1900年的统计数据记录了考纳斯省696起杀婴案,即平均每年有40.9名婴儿死亡。维尔纽斯省的数据非常零碎,1896年至1900年记录了106起这样的案件,即平均每年有21.2名婴儿死亡。关于这一问题,没有涵盖整个19世纪的可靠的犯罪统计数据。然而,人们可能会认为,记录的数字以及法庭调查的案件只是冰山一角,这些罪行的实际范围只能猜测。为什么妇女要抛弃她们的私生子?这是否意味着他们很残忍?为了回答这些问题,我们分析了85个被指控杀婴的妇女的法庭案件。针对杀害婴儿的妇女提起的现有刑事案件使我们能够得出这样的结论:19世纪立陶宛村庄里没有人对非法婴儿的暴力死亡感到意外。根据法律,谋杀要受到严厉的惩罚。这项研究是根据立陶宛最高法院(立陶宛历史国家档案馆,第443页)、维尔纽斯民事和刑事联合法院刑事案件部(第447页)和维尔纽斯地区法院(第447页)的案件进行的。 [48] 4 Pamiatnaia knizhka Kovenskoi gubernii, 1884-1900。9俄罗斯帝国法典刑法的羞耻和恐惧基础的犯罪。《治罪法》规定对蓄意杀害婴儿的惩罚与对任何其他类型的谋杀同样;第1995条规定了对这一罪行的下列惩罚- -剥夺个人的一切财产权利,使妇女沦为苦役,并施加体罚。但是,在杀婴案件中也规定了减刑情节,在这种情况下,普通谋杀与谋杀新生婴儿是不同的。如果犯罪是由于感到羞耻或恐惧而对新生婴儿犯下的,而该妇女以前没有犯过类似的罪行,如果她是单身并且是第一次生育,则该妇女将被剥夺一切财产权,驱逐到西伯利亚并受到体罚(第2000条)如果不照顾婴儿而导致婴儿死亡,也会受到类似的惩罚——体罚、驱逐出境或3至6年的劳教。妇女因羞愧和恐惧而藏匿死胎,可判处3个月至1年监禁(第2009条)顺便说一下,根据1588年的立陶宛法令,谋杀非婚生婴儿或杀死胎儿可判处死刑一名妇女被指控杀害自己的孩子,教会对她处以精神忏悔的惩罚,因为她没有结婚就与一名男子同居。精神上的忏悔适用于所有妇女,无论她们受到何种惩罚。在上述85起案件中,84名妇女和一名男子(一名牧师)受到指控。根据案件的具体情况,他们受到了不同的惩罚——从修道院或收容所的精神忏悔到西伯利亚的劳役。7%的妇女因缺乏证据而被无罪释放,16%的妇女必须服刑,27%的妇女被驱逐到西伯利亚。30%的被告被处以10至200鞭的公开体罚。这些妇女在城市和小城镇的市场上被鞭打;20%的女性进行了精神上的忏悔。[5]苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。6同上,第501-502页。7同上,第504-505页。8 Cтaтyт ВКЛ 1588 года, p. 12, apet。60 (Минск, 1989), c. 439 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com02/13/2020 04:37:18AM通过免费访问9 2 RIMA PRASPALIAUSKIENĖ立陶宛被指控的妇女杀婴在农村地区很常见。几乎所有被调查的犯罪都发生在农村。这些罪行的受害者无一例外都是私生子。他们的母亲是天主教徒,属于社会最贫穷的阶层——受雇的农场工人。他们是年轻、单身(88.2%)雇用的农场工人- -农民、个体农场工人以及地主认为是好工人的贵族。他们犯罪时才二十岁,受雇于地主。只有一些女孩住在父母家里。在被控犯罪的女性中,已婚女性占11.8%。一般来说,他们年龄较大,这不是他们的第一个孩子。她们是寡妇,新兵的妻子,或者实际上没有和丈夫住在一起的妇女。例如,农民Sofija Šalčienė结婚三年,但她的丈夫没有和她住在一起。他和父母住在维尔纽斯。这对夫妇没有孩子。他们也没有任何财产。索菲娅在乡下服役,她被房东的儿子怀上了对许多女性来说,这是她们人生中的第一次犯罪。只有一个被指控的妇女,Marijona Čiotirkutė, 45岁,第二次摆脱了一个孩子16.5%的被告妇女以前有过私生子,但其中大多数已经死亡。这些女人知道在那个时代的社会里做一个单身母亲意味着什么。他们既不能从父母那里得到帮助,也不能从兄弟那里得到帮助,因为他们自己很穷,只能做雇工。此外,很大一部分年轻女孩没有父母。农民阿涅尔比·马图扎伊特比已经有了一个九岁的私生女。这个妇女没有固定的住所,找工作也很困难Petronėlė rustelytkv设法找到了一份工作,因为她的叔叔是一名预备役军人,抚养了她的私生子。12 9 Byla valstietei Sofijai Šalčienei, 1884, LVIA, f. 448, ap. 1, b. 44, f. 7。10 Byla Marijonai Čiotirkutei, 1802, LVIA, f. 443, ap. 1, b. 174, f. 11 Byla valstietei Anelei Matuzaitei, 1870, LVIA, f. 447, ap. 1, b. 7655, f. 15。 [48] 4 Pamiatnaia knizhka Kovenskoi gubernii, 1884-1900。9俄罗斯帝国法典刑法的羞耻和恐惧基础的犯罪。《治罪法》规定对蓄意杀害婴儿的惩罚与对任何其他类型的谋杀同样;第1995条规定了对这一罪行的下列惩罚- -剥夺个人的一切财产权利,使妇女沦为苦役,并施加体罚。但是,在杀婴案件中也规定了减刑情节,在这种情况下,普通谋杀与谋杀新生婴儿是不同的。如果犯罪是由于感到羞耻或恐惧而对新生婴儿犯下的,而该妇女以前没有犯过类似的罪行,如果她是单身并且是第一次生育,则该妇女将被剥夺一切财产权,驱逐到西伯利亚并受到体罚(第2000条)如果不照顾婴儿而导致婴儿死亡,也会受到类似的惩罚——体罚、驱逐出境或3至6年的劳教。妇女因羞愧和恐惧而藏匿死胎,可判处3个月至1年监禁(第2009条)顺便说一下,根据1588年的立陶宛法令,谋杀非婚生婴儿或杀死胎儿可判处死刑一名妇女被指控杀害自己的孩子,教会对她处以精神忏悔的惩罚,因为她没有结婚就与一名男子同居。精神上的忏悔适用于所有妇女,无论她们受到何种惩罚。在上述85起案件中,84名妇女和一名男子(一名牧师)受到指控。根据案件的具体情况,他们受到了不同的惩罚——从修道院或收容所的精神忏悔到西伯利亚的劳役。7%的妇女因缺乏证据而被无罪释放,16%的妇女必须服刑,27%的妇女被驱逐到西伯利亚。30%的被告被处以10至200鞭的公开体罚。这些妇女在城市和小城镇的市场上被鞭打;20%的女性进行了精神上的忏悔。[5]苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。苏立德。6同上,第501-502页。7同上,第504-505页。8 Cтaтyт ВКЛ 1588 года, p. 12, apet。60 (Минск, 1989), c. 439 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com02/13/2020 04:37:18AM通过免费访问9 2 RIMA PRASPALIAUSKIENĖ立陶宛被指控的妇女杀婴在农村地区很常见。几乎所有被调查的犯罪都发生在农村。这些罪行的受害者无一例外都是私生子。他们的母亲是天主教徒,属于社会最贫穷的阶层——受雇的农场工人。他们是年轻、单身(88.2%)雇用的农场工人- -农民、个体农场工人以及地主认为是好工人的贵族。他们犯罪时才二十岁,受雇于地主。只有一些女孩住在父母家里。在被控犯罪的女性中,已婚女性占11.8%。一般来说,他们年龄较大,这不是他们的第一个孩子。她们是寡妇,新兵的妻子,或者实际上没有和丈夫住在一起的妇女。例如,农民Sofija Šalčienė结婚三年,但她的丈夫没有和她住在一起。他和父母住在维尔纽斯。这对夫妇没有孩子。他们也没有任何财产。索菲娅在乡下服役,她被房东的儿子怀上了对许多女性来说,这是她们人生中的第一次犯罪。只有一个被指控的妇女,Marijona Čiotirkutė, 45岁,第二次摆脱了一个孩子16.5%的被告妇女以前有过私生子,但其中大多数已经死亡。这些女人知道在那个时代的社会里做一个单身母亲意味着什么。他们既不能从父母那里得到帮助,也不能从兄弟那里得到帮助,因为他们自己很穷,只能做雇工。此外,很大一部分年轻女孩没有父母。农民阿涅尔比·马图扎伊特比已经有了一个九岁的私生女。这个妇女没有固定的住所,找工作也很困难Petronėlė rustelytkv设法找到了一份工作,因为她的叔叔是一名预备役军人,抚养了她的私生子。12 9 Byla valstietei Sofijai Šalčienei, 1884, LVIA, f. 448, ap. 1, b. 44, f. 7。10 Byla Marijonai Čiotirkutei, 1802, LVIA, f. 443, ap. 1, b. 174, f. 11 Byla valstietei Anelei Matuzaitei, 1870, LVIA, f. 447, ap. 1, b. 7655, f. 15。
The crimes committed by women in most societies account for only about 10 per cent. One would think that women are not inclined to commit crimes, but they dominate in some crimes. Women committed half the murders in nineteenth-century Lithuania. Violent deaths of infants constituted about half of the total cases of violent deaths. Infanticide was the most common type of murder in Lithuania in the nineteenth century. This study is based on the analysis of court cases of 85 women accused of infanticide. The article analyses the motivation of the accused women, it seeks to give the answer to the question whether these women were cruel. The fact that most of the accused women (88.2 per cent) belonged to the same social layer of unmarried hired farm labourers suggests that infanticide was not an ordinary, accidental crime. It had deep social causes in that society. The women were scared of the reaction of their parents and the entire rural community. Shame and fear of being turned out and becoming an outcast in the community constituted perhaps the main cause of that crime. Poverty was another important cause for committing a crime. Hired farm labourers were afraid of losing jobs. It was especially difficult for a single mother with a child to find employment and to earn a living for herself and her child; quite often she had to go begging. The accused women were familiar with the fate of single mothers. Such a girl had no future in a rural community. Nonetheless, one can think that getting rid of a baby was a primitive form of birth control in the nineteenth century. Therefore these women should not be regarded as cruel. Simply the way that they chose was more acceptable to that social environment in which they lived. Crimes and criminal behaviour in Lithuania in the nineteenth century are not a new theme and this problem has already been considered by historians. The policing system, the development of punishment, the attitude of the authorities and the public to crimes and criminals in the nineteenth century were discussed by Vladas Sirutavičius.1 In her monograph2 Dalia Marcinkevičienė drew at1 V. Sirutavičius, Nusikaltimas ir visuomenė XIX amžiaus Lietuvoje (Vilnius, 1999). 2 D. Marcinkevičienė, Vedusiųjų visuomenė: santuoka ir skyrybos Lietuvoje XIX amžiuje – XX amžiaus pradžioje (Vilnius, 1999). LITHUANIAN HISTORICAL STUDIES 6 2001 ISSN 1392-2343 pp. 89–105 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com02/13/2020 04:37:18AM via free access 9 0 RIMA PRASPALIAUSKIENĖ tention to the violent behaviour of women towards their spouses and the situation of illegitimate children in traditional Lithuanian society. However, the violent behaviour of women in Lithuania of the nineteenth century is still a new phenomenon, which practically has not been considered by Lithuanian historians so far. The subject of study of the present article is criminal behaviour of women and violent deaths of infants in Lithuania in the nineteenth and the early twentieth century. The study is based on the analysis of criminal actions brought for infanticide.3 In many societies only about 10 per cent of crimes used to be committed by women. It would be easy to think that women were not inclined to commit crimes, but they were dominant in some types of crimes. Women committed practically half the number of murders and most often newly born babies fell a victim to them. Violent deaths of babies accounted for about half the cases of violent deaths. Infanticide was usually the most common type of murder in Lithuania in the nineteenth century. Statistics for 1884– 1900 records 696 cases of infanticide in the Kaunas Gubernia, that is, on average 40.9 babies perished in that Gubernia every year4 . Data for the Vilnius Gubernia are very fragmentary, 106 such cases were recorded in 1896–1900, i.e., on average 21.2 babies perished annually. There is no reliable criminal statistics about this issue covering the whole nineteenth century. However, one can think that the figures recorded, as well as the cases investigated in courts, are only the tip of the iceberg, and the actual scope of these crimes can only be guessed. Why did women try to get rid of their illegitimate babies? Does that mean that they were cruel? Seeking to give an answer to these questions, we have analysed 85 court cases of the women who were accused of infanticide. The existing criminal cases that were brought against women who committed infanticide allow us to draw the conclusion that the violent death of an illegitimate baby surprised nobody in the Lithuanian village in the nineteenth century. Punishments According to the law, murder was subject to severe punishment. Punishment for infanticide was imposed on the 3 The study was based on the cases of the Supreme Court of Lithuania (Lithuanian Historical State Archive (henceforth LVIA) f. 443, the Department of Criminal Cases of Vilnius Joint Civil and Criminal Court (LVIA), f. 447) and the Vilnius District Court (LVIA, f. 448) 4 Pamiatnaia knizhka Kovenskoi gubernii, 1884-1900. Heruntergeladen von Brill.com02/13/2020 04:37:18AM via free access 9 1 CRIME BORN OF SHAME AND FEAR basis of criminal laws of the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire. That Code established the same punishment for premeditated infanticide as for any other type of murder; Article 19995 provided for the following punishment for this crime – depriving the individual of all property rights, sending the woman to penal servitude and imposing corporal punishment. However, mitigating circumstances were also provided for in case of infanticide, where ordinary murder was differentiated from the murder of a newly born baby. If the crime was committed against a newly born baby because of a feeling of shame or fear, and the woman had not committed a similar crime before, if she was single and gave birth for the first time, such a woman was subject to the deprivation of all property rights, deportation to Siberia and corporal punishment (Article 2000).6 Similar punishments were imposed for leaving the baby without any care, provided that it resulted in its death – corporal punishment, deportation or corrective labour from 3 to 6 years. Women were subject to imprisonment from three months to one year for hiding a stillborn baby due to shame and fear (Article 2009).7 By the way, according to the Lithuanian Statute of 1588, the death sentence was imposed for the murder of an illegitimate baby or killing a foetus.8 The church punishment of spiritual repentance for living together with a man without marriage was imposed on a woman accused of killing her baby. Spiritual repentance was applied to all women irrespective of the type of punishment that was imposed on them. In 85 cases mentioned above 84 women and one man (a priest) were accused. Different punishments were administered depending on the circumstances of the case – ranging from spiritual repentance in a monastery or an asylum to penal servitude in Siberia. Seven per cent of women were acquitted for lack of evidence, 16 per cent of women had to serve a term of imprisonment, 27 per cent of women were deported to Siberia. Public corporal punishments from 10 to 200 lashes were applied to 30 per cent of the accused. These women were given the lashes in the market places of cities and small towns; spiritual repentance was administered to 20 per cent of the women. 5 Svod Zakonov Rossiskoi imperii, Ugolovnye zakony, t. 15, 1837, r. X., gl. I, p. 501. 6 Ibid., p. 501-502. 7 Ibid., p. 504-505. 8 Cтaтyт ВКЛ 1588 года, p. 12, apт. 60 (Минск, 1989), c. 439 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com02/13/2020 04:37:18AM via free access 9 2 RIMA PRASPALIAUSKIENĖ The Accused Women Infanticide in Lithuania was common in rural areas. Practically all the crimes that have been investigated were committed in the countryside. Victims of these crimes without any exception were illegitimate children. Their mothers were Catholics who belonged to the poorest strata of the society – hired farm labourers. They were young, single (88.2 per cent) hired farm labourers – peasants, individual farm-hands, as well as those that belonged to the gentry, whom their landlords characterized as good workers. At the time of committing their crime they were twenty years old and were employed by their landlords. Only some of the girls lived in their parents’ homes. Married women accounted for 11.8 per cent among the women accused of committing the crime. As a rule they were older and it was not their first birth. They were widows, the wives of army recruits, or women who actually did not live together with their husbands. For example, the peasant Sofija Šalčienė was married for three years but her husband did not live with her. He stayed to live with his parents in Vilnius. The spouses had no children. Neither had they any property. Sofija served in the country and she was made pregnant by her landlord’s son.9 For many women this was the first crime in their life. Only one accused woman, Marijona Čiotirkutė, aged 45, got rid of a baby for the second time.10 Sixteen and a half per cent of the accused women had illegitimate children before, but most of them were dead. These women knew what it meant to be a single mother in the society of that time. They could expect help neither from their parents nor their brothers because they themselves were poor and worked as hired labourers. Besides, a large part of young girls had no parents. The peasant Anelė Matuzaitė had a nine-year old illegitimate daughter already. The woman had no permanent place of residence, and had difficulties in finding a job.11 Petronėlė Rustelytė managed to find a job because her uncle, a reservist, brought up her illegitimate son.12 9 Byla valstietei Sofijai Šalčienei, 1884, LVIA, f. 448, ap. 1, b. 44, f. 7. 10 Byla Marijonai Čiotirkutei, 1802, LVIA, f. 443, ap. 1, b. 174, f. 1 11 Byla valstietei Anelei Matuzaitei, 1870, LVIA, f. 447, ap. 1, b. 7655, f. 15. 12 Byla valstietei Petronėlei Rustelytei, 1846, LVIA, f. 447, ap. 1