中国孤儿院:拯救中国被遗弃的女孩

K. Johnson
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引用次数: 45

摘要

由于中国政府对中国传统的父权社会秩序提供了模棱两可的支持,而且由于亲属关系不再像以前那样紧密地组织地方社会,自1949年以来,性别偏见有所缓解。然而,中国文化的生活传统和价值观继续塑造和反映了一个社会,这个社会在极端程度上是由(男性)亲属团体组织起来的,这些团体在正式意义上排斥女性,或者充其量将她们定义为边缘成员。革命后的政府政策以各种方式间接地加强了这些模式——例如,限制农村人口的地理流动,依赖农村家庭作为福利和老年保障的首要和首选来源。即使在今天的中国农村,当被问及他们的孩子(你有几个孩子?)他们是做什么的?等)会回答得好像只有儿子才算,甚至不提女儿的存在,除非特别问。同样,在20世纪70年代末和80年代初,在中国北方的一个村庄,举报者在讲述他们的家族史时,报告了数量少得令人怀疑的女儿和姐妹。这些口述家族史主要由当地农村男性讲述,产生了一个极度扭曲的性别比例,反映了这些举报者内化的高度父系家庭定义。正如纪录片《小幸福》中一位农妇恰如其分地描述的那样,革命来到她的村庄近四十年后,女儿不是家人,她们只是亲戚。事实上,尽管婚姻模式发生了一些重大变化(比如村里的婚姻越来越普遍),但在中国大多数人口居住的农村,主流规范仍然规定,年轻女性即使不是真的离开自己的出生家庭,也要象征性地嫁给丈夫,把主要责任转移到丈夫的家庭。因此,与儿子不同,人们仍然认为女儿是在结婚时失去的或属于别人的。这些态度和模式有助于解释为什么中国的孤儿院长期以来一直不成比例地充斥着女孩。(摘录)
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Chinese Orphanages: Saving China's Abandoned Girls
As the PRC government provides ambiguous support for Chinas traditionally patriarchal social order and since kinship no longer organizes local society as tightly as it once did the gender bias has been somewhat mitigated since 1949. Yet the living traditions and values of Chinese culture continue to shape and reflect a society which to an extreme degree has been organized by and around agnatic (male) kin groups groups that in a formal sense exclude females or at best define them as marginal members. In a variety of ways government policy in the post-revolutionary era has indirectly reinforced these patterns - for example by restricting the geographical mobility of the rural population and by relying on the rural family patrilineally defined as the first and preferred source of welfare and old age security. Even today in Chinese villages many people when asked about their children (haizi) (How many children do you have? What do they do? etc.) will answer as if only sons count failing even to mention the existence of daughters unless specifically asked. Similarly when relating their family histories in a North China village in the late 1970s and early 1980s informants reported a suspiciously small number of daughters and sisters. These oral family histories told primarily by native village men yielded an extremely skewed sex ratio reflecting the highly patrilineal definition of the family internalized by these informants. As a peasant woman in the documentary film Small Happiness aptly put it nearly forty years after the revolution arrived in her village Daughters are not family they are only relatives. Indeed despite some significant changes in marriage patterns (such as the increasing prevalence of intra-village marriage) dominant norms in the countryside where most of Chinas population still resides continue to dictate that young women marry patrilocally symbolically if not always literally leaving their own natal family and transferring their primary obligations to their husbands family. Therefore unlike sons people still speak of daughters as being lost at marriage or belonging to other people. These attitudes and patterns help explain why orphanages in China have long been disproportionately filled by girls. (excerpt)
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