中国的民主化与经济改革

Gordon White
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引用次数: 60

摘要

西方对当代中国的分析习惯性地用时髦的意识形态标准来衡量中国正在发生的事件。在文革时期,有一种必胜主义的倾向,颂扬毛主义的平等主义和群众动员的优点;在上世纪80年代,人们同样狂热地信奉所谓的市场优点;在1989年6月北京大屠杀之后,所有人的目光都转向了民主化的优点。在这三个阶段中的每一个阶段,无论是平等主义、市场还是民主,其核心美德往往被视为医治中国发展弊病的灵丹妙药。在每一个阶段,主导的范式都是如此占主导地位,以至于反对者往往被视为无知、没有原则或不诚实。在北京大屠杀之后,这种现象以前所未有的激烈程度再次出现。对中国政治经济的分析,无论是新闻工作者还是学者,都采用了一种激烈争论的口吻:中国共产党领导人是“坏的”和斯大林主义者,而天安门事件的学生积极分子是“好的”和民主的。当然,在不冒着被贴上道歉者标签的风险的情况下,同意是很容易的,不同意是不可想象的。这让人想起了文化大革命中同样两极化和意识形态极端的毛派摩尼教,尽管其政治内容截然不同。从那时起,意识形态的尘埃已经尘埃落定,至少就商业而言,“一切如常”已经部分回归。然而,特别是在国外的知识分子和学术界,迅速的民主化仍被视为打开中国未来福祉之门的钥匙。我认同这种后天安门范式背后的许多价值观和假设:当时的领导层在1989年6月的行为是犯罪的,是他们的
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Democratization and Economic Reform in China
Western analysis of contemporary China has habitually measured ongoing events in China by fashionable ideological standards. During the Cultural Revolution era, there was a tendency toward triumphalist celebration of the virtues of Maoist egalitarianism and mass mobilization; during the 1980s there was a similarly passionate embrace of the alleged virtues of the market; in the aftermath of the Beijing massacre of June 1989, all heads turned toward the virtues of democratization. In each of these three phases, the central virtue be it egalitarianism, the market or democracy has tended to be seen as a panacea for China's developmental ills. In each phase, the reigning paradigm has been so dominant that dissenters have tended to be seen as ignorant, unprincipled or disingenuous. After the Beijing massacre, this phenomenon recurred with unprecedented vehemence. Analyses of the Chinese political economy, both journalistic and scholarly, took on an intensely polemical tone: the Chinese Communist leaders were 'bad' and Stalinist, while the student activists of Tiananmen were 'good' and democratic. It was of course easy to agree and unthinkable to disagree without running the risk of being branded an apologist. One is reminded of the similarly polarized and ideologically super-charged Maoist Manicheism of the Cultural Revolution, albeit with a radically different political content. Since then, the ideological dust has settled somewhat and there has been a partial return to 'business as usual', at least as far as business is concerned. Particularly among intellectual and academic circles abroad, however, speedy democratization is still regarded as the key that will open all the doors to China's future well-being. I share many of the values and assumptions underlying this post-Tiananmen paradigm: the actions of the then leadership in June 1989 were criminal and their
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