单一主体规则:一个州宪法困境

Richard Briffault
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引用次数: 0

摘要

批评国会中综合立法泛滥的人士认为,州宪法提供了一个潜在的解决方案。43个州的宪法包括某种形式的“单一主体”规则,也就是说,要求立法机关的每项法案都被限制在一个单一的主体上。这些条款中的许多可以追溯到19世纪早期和中期,并且,总的来说,它们已经成为成千上万的法院判决的主题。这条规则也不是过去时代的遗留物。在过去的二十年里,州法院使用单一主体规则来废除涉及枪支管制、堕胎、侵权改革、移民、地方最低工资法、性犯罪者、加强刑事处罚和学校代金券等方面的法律。然而,尽管长期以来一直是大多数州宪法的一部分,单一主体规则仍然存在严重的问题。法院和评论员一直无法对什么构成“单一主体”给出一个清晰一致的定义。相反,单一主体法学中持续存在的主题是“主体”不可避免的“不确定性”,以及法院对立法机关应如何尊重的分歧。由于“主体”一词的不确定性,许多分析都集中在通常所说的规则的主要目的上——防止立法上的欺诈和附加条款,以及促进一个更有秩序和知情的立法过程——并呼吁围绕这些目标的推进来重新制定规则的执行。但是,要确定一项法律是否是滚动的产物,或者一项规定是否应该被视为附加条款,往往会很困难。而且,logrols和riders是否像支持更有力地执行单一主体规则的人所认为的那样有害,目前还远不清楚。倡导者敦促更积极地使用单一主体规则,作为挫败“立法欺诈”和“幕后政治”的手段,也可能破坏为使困难但重要的立法获得通过所必需的合作和妥协。本文考察了单主语规则背后的历史和目的;最近的州最高法院案例解释了它;以及围绕防止横冲直撞或乘车者更严格地重新制定规则的争论。它发现,尽管该规则的理由——改善立法审议、透明度和公共责任——是令人钦佩的目标,但州宪法规则一直不是,也不太可能成为实现这些目标的有效手段。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Single-Subject Rule: A State Constitutional Dilemma
Critics of the proliferation of omnibus legislation in Congress have suggested that state constitutions offer a potential solution. Forty-three state constitutions include some sort of “single-subject” rule, that is, the requirement that each act of the legislature be limited to a single subject. Many of these provisions date back to the early and mid-nineteenth century, and, collectively, they have been the subject of literally thousands of court decisions. Nor is the rule a relic from a bygone era. In the last two decades, state courts have used single-subject rules to invalidate laws dealing with, inter alia, firearms regulation, abortion, tort reform, immigration, local minimum wage laws, sex offenders, enhanced criminal penalties, and school vouchers. Yet, despite having long been a part of the constitutional law of most states, the single-subject rule is deeply problematic. Courts and commentators have been unable to come up with a clear and consistent definition of what constitutes a “single subject.” Instead, persistent themes in the single-subject jurisprudence has been the inevitable “indeterminacy” of “subject” and disagreement over how deferential courts should be to legislatures. Due to the slipperiness of “subject,” many analyses have focused on what are regularly said to be the primary purposes of the rule—the prevention of legislative logrolling and riders, and the promotion of a more orderly and informed legislative process—and have called for reframing the enforcement of the rule around the advancement of these goals. But determining whether a law is the product of logrolling, or whether a provision should be treated as a rider, will often be difficult. And it is far from clear that logrolls and riders are as pernicious as proponents of more vigorous enforcement of the single-subject rule assume. The more aggressive use of the single-subject rule urged by advocates as a means of thwarting “legislative chicanery” and “backroom politics” could also undo the cooperation and compromise necessary to get difficult but important legislation enacted. This article examines the history and purposes behind the single-subject rule; recent state supreme court cases interpreting it; and the arguments for reframing the rule more tightly around the prevention of logrolling or riders. It finds that although the justifications for the rule – improved legislative deliberation, transparency, and public accountability – are admirable goals the state constitutional rule has not been and is unlikely to be an effective means of achieving those ends.
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