种族关系与现代政教关系

Thomas C. Berg
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引用次数: 1

摘要

本文追溯了近50年来政教关系的发展与种族关系的发展之间的一些联系。与最近的其他几篇文章和书籍一样,本文不仅在最高法院,而且在更广泛的社会、政治和文化背景下追溯了教会与国家关系的进程。在过去的50年里,政教关系的中心故事是,在20世纪60年代和70年代,作为压倒一切的宪法和道德理想,一种相当严格的政教分离的兴起,以及从20世纪80年代到现在,这种理想的部分衰落。这篇文章讨论了种族领域的发展如何促进了60年代和70年代严格的政教分离主义的兴起和随后的衰落。它特别关注三个联系。首先,20世纪60年代对黑人不公正待遇的关注促使人们对包括宗教少数群体在内的其他少数群体的处境产生了特别的关注——这种关注近年来可能有所缓和。其次,尽管20世纪60年代的民权运动本身具有高度的宗教性,但精英(甚至是宗教精英)对它的解释造成了一种矛盾的态度,即宗教与政府的交织,以及对社会福利部门采用世俗导向的方法的接受——近年来,这种方法受到了社会部门的挑战,这些部门更明确地使用宗教教义。第三,在20世纪60年代和70年代,法院和社会其他部门对私人实体和“私人选择”被用作阻碍废除种族隔离和种族平等的手段的怀疑加剧。因此,那些年不是主张政府对与宗教有关的教育和其他活动提供平等援助的合适时机——事实上,最高法院在那段时间否决了大多数形式的援助。但在过去的20年里,许多宗教学校——尤其是天主教学校——表现出了为少数族裔学生提供服务的意愿和能力,这种消除种族隔离污点的做法,从宪法和道德的角度加强了政府平等援助的理由。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Race Relations and Modern Church-State Relations
This article traces some connections in the last 50 years between developments in church-state relations and developments in race relations. Like several other recent articles and books, this article traces the course of church-state relations not only in the Supreme Court, but in the broader social, political, and cultural context. The central story in church-state relations in the last 50 years has been the rise of a fairly strict separation of church and state as the overriding constitutional and moral ideal in the 1960s and 70s, and the partial decline of that ideal from the 1980s through the present. This article discusses how developments in the area of race may have facilitated both the rise of strict church-state sepatationism in the 60s and 70s and its subsequent decline. It focuses particularly on three connections. First, the 1960s' concern with the unjust treatment of blacks contributed to a special concern for the situation of other minorities, including religious minorities -- a concern that has probably moderated in recent years. Second, although the 1960s civil rights movement itself was highly religious, interpretations of it among elites (even religious elites) created an ambivalent attitude toward the intertwining of religion and government and an embrace of a secular-oriented approach to social welfare ministries -- an approach that has been challenged in recent years by social ministries that involve more explicit use of religious teaching. Third, the 1960s and 70s saw a heightened suspicion, in courts and other parts of society, that private entities and "private choice" were serving as means to frustrate desegregation and racial equality. Those years, therefore, were an inopportune time to assert claims for equal government aid to religiously affiliated education and other activities -- and indeed the Supreme Court struck down most forms of aid during this time. But in the past 20 years, many religious schools -- especially Catholic ones -- have shown a willingness and ability to serve minority students, and this removal of the taint of racial segregation has strengthened the case for equal government aid on both constitutional and moral grounds.
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