优先合并:在国会决策中将地方与国家分开

A. Decker
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引用次数: 1

摘要

根据联邦宪法的最高条款,国会有权优先于州和地方法律,使它们“无效、无效和无效”。国会经常通过立法条款来行使这一权力,这些法律条款明确地优先于某些形式的州或地方法规。对于联邦优先购买权对州法律和地方(市或县)法律是否同样适用,传统的答案是明确的是肯定的。本文揭开了平等待遇的假设,看看国会是否真的在联邦优先考虑的背景下区分了州和地方法律,并询问它是否应该这样做。也许应该允许新奥尔良市比路易斯安那州更容易摆脱联邦的优先购买权,以鼓励地方实验,或者因为单一的地方法律对联邦统一利益的影响比州法律要小。或者路易斯安那州应该比新奥尔良有更多的回旋余地因为在我们的联邦制中,州被认为是主权国家,而地方政府不是,或者因为我们只有50个州,但有数千个地方政府,这意味着地方法律对联邦利益的累积影响可能比州法律更大。我的结论是,国会将州与地方区分开来的频率比人们通常理解的要高。此外,从宪法和政策的角度来看,国会这样做是合理的。事实上,国会在起草优先条款时应该比现在更系统、更定期地考虑州与地方之间的差异。这些结论加强了正在进行的将地方与国家分开的学术努力,强调了地方监管在我们的联邦制计划中的独特贡献。他们还深化了联邦优先购买权理论,这是当今法院中最活跃的宪法理论之一。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Preemption Conflation: Dividing the Local from the State in Congressional Decision Making
Under the Federal Constitution’s Supremacy Clause, Congress has the power to preempt state and local laws, rendering them “null, void, invalid and inoperative.” Congress often exercises this power by adopting statutory provisions that expressly preempt certain forms of state or local regulation. The traditional answer to whether federal preemption treats state law and local (city or county) law the same has been an unequivocal yes. This Article lifts the lid on that assumption of equal treatment to see whether Congress actually differentiates between state and local laws in the federal preemption context — and to ask whether it should do so. Perhaps the City of New Orleans should be allowed to escape federal preemption more easily than the State of Louisiana in order to encourage local experimentation, or because a single local law will have less impact on federal uniformity interests than a state law will. Or perhaps Louisiana should have more leeway than New Orleans because states are considered sovereigns in our federalist system and local governments are not, or because we have only fifty states but thousands of local governments, meaning that local laws could have a greater cumulative effect on federal interests than state laws would. I conclude that Congress distinguishes the state from the local more often than is commonly understood. Further, Congress is justified in doing so on both constitutional and policy grounds. Indeed, Congress should think even more systematically and regularly about state-local differences than it currently does when drafting preemption provisions. These conclusions strengthen ongoing scholarly efforts to disentangle the local from the state, emphasizing the unique contributions of local regulation in our federalist scheme. They also deepen the theory on federal preemption, one of the most active constitutional doctrines in the courts today.
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