对政府工作足够好:为内容中立欢呼两声

Seth F. Kreimer
{"title":"对政府工作足够好:为内容中立欢呼两声","authors":"Seth F. Kreimer","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2337499","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"When then-Professor Elena Kagan emerged on the public stage in the mid-1990s, she declared “the distinction between content-based and content-neutral regulations of speech serves as the keystone of First Amendment law.” In the last decade and a half, commentators and Supreme Court opinions regularly echoed that declaration. Yet the First Amendment does not mention “content neutrality.” It is an artifact of modern constitutional doctrine - a doctrine subject to a sustained barrage of judicial and academic criticism.Most scholarly critiques of content neutrality focus on First Amendment theory and Supreme Court opinions. After surveying these critiques, along with the incomplete defenses of content neutrality, this Article seeks illumination by shifting to a more grounded focus. I compare the 614 reported cases in which the lower federal courts deployed the doctrine between September 2009 and February 2013 with the First Amendment cases decided by the Roberts Court. I analyze what political science and behavioral psychology tell us about the way that the content neutrality doctrine is likely to function in setting the terms of interaction between the private actors and government officials who actually populate and seek guidance from the case law.Unlike the recent Supreme Court docket, contemporary content neutrality cases in the lower courts center on contests between potential “village tyrants” - local officials and street level bureaucrats who will often find it difficult to hold fast to tolerant ideals - and local dissenters who are likely to provoke them. In these struggles, there are important reasons to prefer a strong doctrine of content neutrality to its proposed doctrinal competitors. Content neutrality is important not as a first best rule to assure that the Supreme Court properly implements a theory of the First Amendment, but as a usable norm for the government actors who make decisions before court proceedings commence and for the polity to which those actors answer.Content neutrality frames the terms of engagement between the governed and the governors of the United States in ways that incline the “general spirit of the people and the government” to the protection of rights of free expression. Its flamboyant protection of speech repugnant to a variety of constituencies means that the lived reality of free expression will mobilize support from an array of political factions. Content neutrality is, as the Court maintained in laying the doctrine’s foundations, an important practical element of constitutional architecture that preserves a “profound national commitment to the principle that debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust, and wide-open”.","PeriodicalId":90761,"journal":{"name":"University of Pennsylvania journal of constitutional law","volume":"16 1","pages":"1261"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Good Enough for Government Work: Two Cheers for Content Neutrality\",\"authors\":\"Seth F. Kreimer\",\"doi\":\"10.2139/SSRN.2337499\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"When then-Professor Elena Kagan emerged on the public stage in the mid-1990s, she declared “the distinction between content-based and content-neutral regulations of speech serves as the keystone of First Amendment law.” In the last decade and a half, commentators and Supreme Court opinions regularly echoed that declaration. Yet the First Amendment does not mention “content neutrality.” It is an artifact of modern constitutional doctrine - a doctrine subject to a sustained barrage of judicial and academic criticism.Most scholarly critiques of content neutrality focus on First Amendment theory and Supreme Court opinions. After surveying these critiques, along with the incomplete defenses of content neutrality, this Article seeks illumination by shifting to a more grounded focus. I compare the 614 reported cases in which the lower federal courts deployed the doctrine between September 2009 and February 2013 with the First Amendment cases decided by the Roberts Court. I analyze what political science and behavioral psychology tell us about the way that the content neutrality doctrine is likely to function in setting the terms of interaction between the private actors and government officials who actually populate and seek guidance from the case law.Unlike the recent Supreme Court docket, contemporary content neutrality cases in the lower courts center on contests between potential “village tyrants” - local officials and street level bureaucrats who will often find it difficult to hold fast to tolerant ideals - and local dissenters who are likely to provoke them. In these struggles, there are important reasons to prefer a strong doctrine of content neutrality to its proposed doctrinal competitors. Content neutrality is important not as a first best rule to assure that the Supreme Court properly implements a theory of the First Amendment, but as a usable norm for the government actors who make decisions before court proceedings commence and for the polity to which those actors answer.Content neutrality frames the terms of engagement between the governed and the governors of the United States in ways that incline the “general spirit of the people and the government” to the protection of rights of free expression. Its flamboyant protection of speech repugnant to a variety of constituencies means that the lived reality of free expression will mobilize support from an array of political factions. Content neutrality is, as the Court maintained in laying the doctrine’s foundations, an important practical element of constitutional architecture that preserves a “profound national commitment to the principle that debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust, and wide-open”.\",\"PeriodicalId\":90761,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"University of Pennsylvania journal of constitutional law\",\"volume\":\"16 1\",\"pages\":\"1261\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2014-01-01\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"1\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"University of Pennsylvania journal of constitutional law\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2337499\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"University of Pennsylvania journal of constitutional law","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2337499","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1

摘要

上世纪90年代中期,当时任教授埃琳娜·卡根(Elena Kagan)出现在公众舞台上时,她宣称“区分基于内容和中立内容的言论监管是第一修正案的基石。”在过去的15年里,评论员和最高法院的意见经常呼应这一宣言。然而,第一修正案并没有提到“内容中立”。它是现代宪法学说的产物——一种受到持续的司法和学术批评的学说。大多数对内容中立的学术批评都集中在第一修正案理论和最高法院的意见上。在调查了这些批评以及对内容中立性的不完整辩护之后,本文通过转移到更接地气的焦点来寻求启发。我将2009年9月至2013年2月期间下级联邦法院采用这一原则的614起报告案件与罗伯茨法院裁决的第一修正案案件进行了比较。我分析了政治科学和行为心理学告诉我们的内容中立原则在设定私人行为者和政府官员之间的互动条件方面可能发挥的作用,而政府官员实际上是在向判例法寻求指导。与最近的最高法院案件不同,当前下级法院的内容中立案件集中在潜在的“乡村暴君”——地方官员和街头官僚,他们往往很难坚持宽容的理想——与当地持不同政见者之间的竞争。在这些斗争中,有重要的理由倾向于内容中立的强有力的教义,而不是其拟议的教义竞争对手。内容中立性的重要性不是作为确保最高法院正确执行第一修正案理论的第一最佳规则,而是作为在法庭诉讼开始前做出决定的政府行为者和这些行为者对其负责的政体的可用规范。内容中立性规定了被统治者和美国州长之间的交往条件,使“人民和政府的总体精神”倾向于保护言论自由的权利。它对各种选民反感的言论的浮华保护意味着言论自由的现实将动员一系列政治派别的支持。正如最高法院在奠定原则基础时所坚持的那样,内容中立是宪法架构中一个重要的实际因素,它维护了“对公共问题辩论应该不受限制、强有力和广泛开放的原则的深刻的国家承诺”。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Good Enough for Government Work: Two Cheers for Content Neutrality
When then-Professor Elena Kagan emerged on the public stage in the mid-1990s, she declared “the distinction between content-based and content-neutral regulations of speech serves as the keystone of First Amendment law.” In the last decade and a half, commentators and Supreme Court opinions regularly echoed that declaration. Yet the First Amendment does not mention “content neutrality.” It is an artifact of modern constitutional doctrine - a doctrine subject to a sustained barrage of judicial and academic criticism.Most scholarly critiques of content neutrality focus on First Amendment theory and Supreme Court opinions. After surveying these critiques, along with the incomplete defenses of content neutrality, this Article seeks illumination by shifting to a more grounded focus. I compare the 614 reported cases in which the lower federal courts deployed the doctrine between September 2009 and February 2013 with the First Amendment cases decided by the Roberts Court. I analyze what political science and behavioral psychology tell us about the way that the content neutrality doctrine is likely to function in setting the terms of interaction between the private actors and government officials who actually populate and seek guidance from the case law.Unlike the recent Supreme Court docket, contemporary content neutrality cases in the lower courts center on contests between potential “village tyrants” - local officials and street level bureaucrats who will often find it difficult to hold fast to tolerant ideals - and local dissenters who are likely to provoke them. In these struggles, there are important reasons to prefer a strong doctrine of content neutrality to its proposed doctrinal competitors. Content neutrality is important not as a first best rule to assure that the Supreme Court properly implements a theory of the First Amendment, but as a usable norm for the government actors who make decisions before court proceedings commence and for the polity to which those actors answer.Content neutrality frames the terms of engagement between the governed and the governors of the United States in ways that incline the “general spirit of the people and the government” to the protection of rights of free expression. Its flamboyant protection of speech repugnant to a variety of constituencies means that the lived reality of free expression will mobilize support from an array of political factions. Content neutrality is, as the Court maintained in laying the doctrine’s foundations, an important practical element of constitutional architecture that preserves a “profound national commitment to the principle that debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust, and wide-open”.
求助全文
通过发布文献求助,成功后即可免费获取论文全文。 去求助
来源期刊
CiteScore
0.60
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:604180095
Book学术官方微信