第四章。经济考虑:具有成本效益和效率的气候政策

Collabra Pub Date : 2016-12-12 DOI:10.1525/COLLABRA.63
M. Auffhammer, C.-Y. Cynthia Lin Lawell, J. Bushnell, O. Deschenes, Junjie Zhang
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引用次数: 14

摘要

在本章中,我们讨论气候变化的经济学。我们首先讨论在设计和评估气候政策时需要考虑的重要经济因素,包括成本效益和效率。然后,我们将根据这些经济考虑因素,讨论州、国家和国际层面的具体政策。我们对气候政策的前进道路有几点建议。首先,气候政策的目标应该是减少温室气体造成的损害。除了减少大气中温室气体浓度的缓解政策外,还可以通过采取适应措施减少我们对气候变化影响的脆弱性,从而减少温室气体造成的损害。其次,政策制定者应尽可能使用基于激励(或市场)的工具,而不是命令和控制政策(包括基于数量的授权)。当未定价的排放是唯一的市场失灵时,基于激励的工具,如碳税或限额与交易计划,更有可能实现社会最优和社会净效益最大化[1,2]。林和普林斯计算出加州的最佳汽油税是每加仑1.37美元。我们的第三个建议是解决排放泄漏的风险,当只有一个司法管辖区(例如加州)实施气候政策时,排放泄漏就会出现,而不是整个世界。减少排放泄漏的一种方法是向当地生产商战略性地分配排放配额。这种方法被称为“基于产出的分配”或基准,有效地补贴了当地生产商,至少部分抵消了排放上限造成的成本增加。重要的是,只有本地生产才有资格获得有价值的配额,从而抵消排放泄漏的激励。我们的第四个建议是,如果它们被用来代替基于激励的工具,那么基于数量的授权,如联邦可再生燃料标准、加州低碳燃料标准、可再生能源组合标准和清洁能源计划,应该与成本控制机制相结合。Lade、Lin Lawell和Smith的研究结果表明,纯粹基于数量的机制使政策容易受到合规成本大幅增加的影响,特别是在能源市场固有的产能或生产限制存在的情况下。鉴于2013年联邦RFS2的经验,以一种能够控制合规成本的方式预测和设计气候政策是势在必行的。我们的第五个建议是,为了发挥国际影响力,我们应该建立一个气候俱乐部,并对非参与者进行边境税调整。加州大学伯克利分校教授拉里·s·卡普(Larry S. Karp)一直在提议10大排放国之间达成一项协议,作为联合国框架协议的替代方案。如果没有国际影响力或合作,单方面的气候政策,如加州的AB 32或美国清洁能源和安全法案,不仅不可能完全应对气候变化,而且还可能产生其他有害影响,如降低经济竞争力,并可能将就业机会从美国转移到没有碳定价的国家。正如加州大学伯克利分校(University of California at Berkeley)教授塞维林·博伦斯坦(Severin Borenstein)指出的那样,我们最后也是最主要的建议是,加州应该把重点放在解决全球气候变化问题上。加州气候政策的主要目标应该是发明和开发可以替代化石燃料的技术,让世界上较贫穷的国家——世界上大多数人口居住的地方——实现低碳经济增长。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Chapter 4. Economic Considerations: Cost-Effective and Efficient Climate Policies
In this chapter we discuss the economics of climate change. We begin with a discussion of economic considerations that are important to take into account when designing and evaluating climate policy, including cost effectiveness and efficiency. We then discuss specific policies at the state, national, and international level in light of these economic considerations.  We have several recommendations for the path forward for climate policy. First, the goal of climate policy should be to reduce the damages caused by greenhouse gases. In addition to mitigation policy to reduce greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere, one can also reduce the damages causes by greenhouse gases by adaptation measures that reduce our vulnerability to climate change impacts.  Second, policy-makers should use incentive- (or market-) based instruments as opposed to command and control policies (including quantity-based mandates) whenever possible. Whenever unpriced emissions are the sole market failure, incentive-based instruments such as a carbon tax or cap and trade program are more likely to achieve the social optimum and maximize social net benefits [1, 2]. Lin and Prince [3] calculate that the optimal gasoline tax for the state of California is $1.37 per gallon.  Our third recommendation is to address the risk of emissions leakage, which arises when only one jurisdiction (e.g., California) imposes climate policy, but not the entire world. One way to reduce emissions leakage is to use the strategic distribution of emissions allowances to local producers. This method, known as “output-based allocation” or benchmarking, effectively subsidizes local producers and at least partially offsets the increase in their costs caused by an emissions cap [4]. Importantly, only local production is eligible for an allocation of valuable allowances, providing a counterweight to the incentive for emission leakage. Our fourth recommendation is that if they are used instead of incentive-based instruments, quantity-based mandates such as the federal Renewable Fuel Standard, California’s Low Carbon Fuel Standard, renewable portfolio standards, and the Clean Power Plan should be combined with a cost containment mechanism. The findings of Lade, Lin Lawell and Smith [5] suggest that pure quantity-based mechanisms leave policies susceptible to large increases in compliance costs, particularly in the presence of capacity or production constraints that are inherent in energy markets. Given the experiences with the federal RFS2 in 2013, anticipating and designing climate policies in a way that can contain compliance costs is imperative.  Our fifth recommendation is that for international leverage, we should develop a climate club backed by border tax adjustments to non-participants. University of California at Berkeley Professor Larry S. Karp has been proposing an agreement between the top 10 emitters as an alternative to the UN framework [6]. Without international leverage or cooperation, unilateral climate policies, such as California’s AB 32 or the American Clean Energy and Security Act, are not only unlikely to fully combat climate change, but can also have other detrimental effects such as the reduction of economic competitiveness and the possible displacement of jobs from the U.S. to countries without carbon pricing [7]. Our final, and main, recommendation is that, as University of California at Berkeley Professor Severin Borenstein points out, California should focus on solving the problem of global climate change. The primary goal of California climate policy should be to invent and develop the technologies that can replace fossil fuels, allowing the poorer nations of the world – where most of the world’s population lives – to achieve low-carbon economic growth [8].
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