保守自由主义者的选择:神圣的十字架和法西斯主义:重读

IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q4 HISTORY
E. D. Rienzo
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引用次数: 0

摘要

克罗齐最初支持1922年上台的墨索里尼法西斯政府。然而,1924年6月,社会党政治家贾科莫·马特奥蒂(Giacomo Matteotti)被法西斯分子暗杀,动摇了克罗齐对墨索里尼的支持。1925年5月,克罗齐是《反法西斯知识分子宣言》的签署人之一,该宣言由克罗齐亲自撰写。然而,在去年6月,他在参议院投票支持墨索里尼政府。他后来解释说,他希望议会中对墨索里尼的支持能削弱更极端的法西斯主义者,并将法西斯运动吸收到自由体系中,他认为这些法西斯主义者对马特奥蒂的谋杀负有责任。1925年后,克罗齐投票反对所谓的“合法法西斯主义”(leggi fascistisme),后者有效地废除了1861年出生的自由主义政府制度,并经常向反法西斯作家和持不同政见者,以及那些希望保持思想和政治独立于政权的人提供道德援助,并暗中帮助他们出版。克罗齐在那不勒斯的房子成为反法西斯主义者的热门目的地,战争结束后,甚至一些共产党领导人都反映克罗齐在政权的关键时期为自由党和马克思主义的抵抗成员提供了援助和鼓励。克罗齐受到墨索里尼政权的严重威胁,尽管他在法西斯分子手中唯一遭受的身体暴力行为是1926年11月洗劫他在那不勒斯的家和图书馆。虽然由于他的名声,他成功地逃过了监狱,但他仍然受到监视,他的学术工作被政府隐瞒,以至于没有主流报纸或学术出版物提到过他。1938年,当墨索里尼政府采取反犹太政策时,克罗齐是唯一一个拒绝填写政府问卷的非犹太知识分子,该问卷旨在收集有关意大利知识分子所谓“种族背景”的信息。克罗齐后来创造了一个词onagcrorazia(字面意思是“驴政府”)来强调法西斯政权部分人的反智和粗野倾向,并将法西斯主义描述为士气失常(字面意思是“道德疾病”)。然而,根据戈贝蒂的解释——法西斯主义是“国家的自传”——克罗齐声称法西斯主义是意大利历史上的一个插入,将1922年10月28日的“政变”比作希克索斯的入侵。事实上,墨索里尼上台是自由派精英对激发了1919- 1920年革命压力的力量的回应。法西斯主义远不是插话或失常,而是占统治地位的联盟对现存社会秩序受到严重威胁的反应
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Le scelte di un liberale conservatore : Benedetto Croce e il fascismo : una rilettura
Croce initially supported Mussolini’s Fascist government that took power in 1922. However, the assassination of the socialist politician Giacomo Matteotti by Fascists, in June 1924, shook Croce’s support for Mussolini. In May 1925, Croce was one of the signatories to the Manifesto of the Anti-Fascist Intellectuals which had been written by Croce himself. However, in June of the previous year, he had voted in the Senate in support of the Mussolini government. He later explained that he had hoped that the support for Mussolini in parliament would weaken the more extreme Fascists who, he believed, were responsible for Matteotti’s murder, and absorb the Fascist movement into the liberal system. After 1925, Croce voted against the so-called “leggi fascistissime” which effectively abolished the liberal system of government, born in 1861, and frequently provided moral assistance to anti-Fascist writers and dissidents, as well as those who wanted to maintain intellectual and political independence from the regime, and covertly helped them get published. Croce’s house in Naples became a popular destination for anti-Fascists, and after the war, even some leaders of Communists Party reflected that Croce offered aid and encouragement to both Liberal and Marxist resistance members during the crucial years of regime. Croce was seriously threatened by Mussolini’s regime, though the only act of physical violence he suffered at the hands of the fascists was the ransacking of his home and library in Naples in November 1926. Although he managed to stay outside prison thanks to his reputation, he remained subject to surveillance, and his academic work was kept in obscurity by the government, to the extent that no mainstream newspaper or academic publication ever referred to him. When Mussolini’s government adopted anti-Semitic policies in 1938, Croce was the only non-Jewish intellectual who refused to complete a government questionnaire designed to collect information on the so-called “racial background” of Italian intellectuals. Croce later coined the term onagrocrazia (literally “government by asses”) to emphasize the anti-intellectual and boorish tendencies of parts of the Fascist regime and also described Fascism as malattia morale (literally “moral illness”). However, turning Gobetti’s interpretation - the Fascism as “autobiography of the Nation – Croce claimed that the Fascism had been a parenthesis on Italy’s history, likening the “coup d’etat” of 28 October 1922 to the invasion of the Hyksos. In fact, the Mussolini rise to power was the liberal elite’s response to the forces that animated the revolutionary pressure of 1919- 1920. Far from being a parenthesis or aberration, Fascism was the dominant coalition’s reaction to the grave threat to extant social order
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
43
期刊介绍: La «Nuova Rivista Storica» fu fondata nel 1917 da Corrado Barbagallo: era in corso la prima guerra mondiale ed è probabile che quanto avveniva nel nostro paese e in tutta l’Europa sia stato determinante nel condizionarne il programma che fu pensato «un po’ diverso da quello comune alle altre riviste storiche» (Il nostro programma, firmato La Redazione, fasc.1, a. 1 gennaio-marzo 1917). In esso si auspicava infatti di poter «esercitare una speciale azione nell’ambito della nostra cultura storiografica: quella che nel pensiero dei suoi ideatori è parsa la più conforme ai bisogni dell’ora che volge».
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