福克兰危机中的梵蒂冈和英国:外交历史笔记

IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q4 HISTORY
M. Napolitano
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引用次数: 0

摘要

本文分析了1982年英阿福克兰群岛冲突中梵蒂冈外交立场的案例。这个问题与预定于当年5月底访问联合王国的教皇的问题有关。由玛格丽特·撒切尔领导的女王陛下政府,担心若望·保禄二世会不顾联合国安理会两项谴责阿根廷占领的决议,采取一种不明确的爱好和平的立场,因此明确表示,教皇访问福克兰群岛的停火条件应被视为对阿根廷非法行为的安抚。为了避免这种情况并允许教皇访问英国,撒切尔夫人同意剥夺教皇访问的一切可能的政治意义。在英国和梵蒂冈的一致同意下,约翰·保罗二世接受了自己的访问。然而,他秘密指示梵蒂冈国务卿卡萨罗里枢机安排与撒切尔夫人就福克兰群岛问题举行会晤。撒切尔与卡萨罗利的秘密会谈发生在沃伊蒂拉抵达英国的当天,当时教皇刚刚准备开始他的正式牧师访问。这项工作是基于主要的英国,美国和阿根廷的资源和红衣主教卡萨罗里的私人文件存档在梵蒂冈档案馆
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Vaticano e Gran Bretagna nella crisi delle Falkland: appunti di storia diplomatica
The essay analyses the case of the Vatican diplomatic position vis-a-vis the Anglo-Argentinian conflict for the Falkland Islands in 1982. This problem intersects the question of the Papal visit to the United Kingdom, scheduled right that year at the end of May. Her Majesty’s Government, led by Margaret Thatcher, fearing that John Paul II could be led to an undefined peace-loving position regardless of two UN Security Council Resolutions condemning Argentina’s occupation, made it clear that the conditioning of the Papal visit to a ceasefire in the Falkland Islands should be considered as an appeasement to Argentina’s unlawful acts. In order to avoid this and to allow the Pope to come to the UK, Ms. Thatcher accepted to deprive Papal visit of every possible political significance. On this Anglo-Vatican agreed line, John Paul II accepted to confirm his own visit. However, he secretly instructed Cardinal Casaroli, the Vatican Secretary of State, to arrange a meeting with Ms. Thatcher on the Falklands question. The secret Thatcher-Casaroli talk took place the very day of Wojtyla’s arrival to the UK, as soon as the Pope got ready to start his official pastoral visit. This work is based on primary British, American and Argentinian sources and on Cardinal Casaroli’s private papers filed in the Vatican archives
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
43
期刊介绍: La «Nuova Rivista Storica» fu fondata nel 1917 da Corrado Barbagallo: era in corso la prima guerra mondiale ed è probabile che quanto avveniva nel nostro paese e in tutta l’Europa sia stato determinante nel condizionarne il programma che fu pensato «un po’ diverso da quello comune alle altre riviste storiche» (Il nostro programma, firmato La Redazione, fasc.1, a. 1 gennaio-marzo 1917). In esso si auspicava infatti di poter «esercitare una speciale azione nell’ambito della nostra cultura storiografica: quella che nel pensiero dei suoi ideatori è parsa la più conforme ai bisogni dell’ora che volge».
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