{"title":"大脑训练悲观,但应用记忆乐观","authors":"J. McCabe, Thomas S. Redick, R. Engle","doi":"10.1177/1529100616664716","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"As is convincingly demonstrated in the target article (Simons et al., 2016, this issue), despite the numerous forms of brain training that have been tested and touted in the past 15 years, there’s little to no evidence that currently existing programs produce lasting, meaningful change in the performance of cognitive tasks that differ from the trained tasks. As detailed by Simons et al., numerous methodological issues cloud the interpretation of many studies claiming successful far transfer. These limitations include small sample sizes, passive control groups, single tests of outcomes, unblinded informantand self-report measures of functioning, and hypothesisinconsistent significant effects. (However, note that, with older adults, a successful result of the intervention could be to prevent decline in the training group, such that they stay at their pretest level while the control group declines.) These issues are separate from problems related to publication bias, selective reporting of significant and nonsignificant outcomes, use of unjustified one-tailed t tests, and failure to explicitly note shared data across publications. So, considering that the literature contains such potential false-positive publications (Simmons, Nelson, & Simonsohn, 2011), it may be surprising and disheartening to many that some descriptive reviews (Chacko et al., 2013; Salthouse, 2006; Simons et al., 2016) and meta-analyses (Melby-Lervåg, Redick, & Hulme, 2016; Rapport, Orban, Kofler, & Friedman, 2013) have concluded that existing cognitive-training methods are relatively ineffective, despite their popularity and increasing market share. For example, a recent working-memory-training metaanalysis (Melby-Lervåg et al., 2016) evaluated 87 studies examining transfer to working memory, intelligence, and various educationally relevant outcomes (e.g., reading comprehension, math, word decoding). The studies varied considerably in terms of the sample composition (age; typical vs. atypical functioning) and the nature of the working-memory training (verbal, nonverbal, or both verbal and nonverbal stimuli; n-back vs. span task methodology; few vs. many training sessions). Despite the diversity in the design and administration of the training, the results were quite clear. Following training, there were reliable improvements in performance on verbal and nonverbal working-memory tasks identical or similar to the trained tasks. However, in terms of far transfer, there was no convincing evidence of improvements, especially when working-memory training was compared to an active-control condition. The meta-analysis also demonstrated that, in the working-memory-training literature, the largest nonverbal-intelligence far-transfer effects are statistically more likely to come from studies with small sample sizes and passive control groups. This finding is not particularly surprising, given other work showing that most working-memory training studies are dramatically underpowered (Bogg & Lasecki, 2015) and that underpowered studies with small sample sizes are more likely to produce inflated effect sizes (Button et al., 2013). In addition, small samples are predominantly the reason irregular pretest-posttest patterns have been observed in the control groups in various working-memory and video-game intervention studies (for review, see Redick, 2015; Redick & Webster, 2014). In these studies, inferential statistics and effect-size metrics provide evidence that the training “worked,” but investigation of the descriptive statistics tells a different story. Specifically, a number of studies with children and young adult samples have examined intelligence or other academic achievement outcomes before and after training. Closer inspection indicates that training “improved” intelligence or academic achievement relative to the control condition because the control group declined from pretest to posttest—that is, the training group did not significantly change from pretest to posttest. 664716 PSIXXX10.1177/1529100616664716McCabe et al.Brain-Training Pessimism research-article2016","PeriodicalId":20879,"journal":{"name":"Psychological Science in the Public Interest","volume":"17 1","pages":"187 - 191"},"PeriodicalIF":18.2000,"publicationDate":"2016-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1529100616664716","citationCount":"28","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Brain-Training Pessimism, but Applied-Memory Optimism\",\"authors\":\"J. McCabe, Thomas S. 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(However, note that, with older adults, a successful result of the intervention could be to prevent decline in the training group, such that they stay at their pretest level while the control group declines.) These issues are separate from problems related to publication bias, selective reporting of significant and nonsignificant outcomes, use of unjustified one-tailed t tests, and failure to explicitly note shared data across publications. So, considering that the literature contains such potential false-positive publications (Simmons, Nelson, & Simonsohn, 2011), it may be surprising and disheartening to many that some descriptive reviews (Chacko et al., 2013; Salthouse, 2006; Simons et al., 2016) and meta-analyses (Melby-Lervåg, Redick, & Hulme, 2016; Rapport, Orban, Kofler, & Friedman, 2013) have concluded that existing cognitive-training methods are relatively ineffective, despite their popularity and increasing market share. For example, a recent working-memory-training metaanalysis (Melby-Lervåg et al., 2016) evaluated 87 studies examining transfer to working memory, intelligence, and various educationally relevant outcomes (e.g., reading comprehension, math, word decoding). The studies varied considerably in terms of the sample composition (age; typical vs. atypical functioning) and the nature of the working-memory training (verbal, nonverbal, or both verbal and nonverbal stimuli; n-back vs. span task methodology; few vs. many training sessions). Despite the diversity in the design and administration of the training, the results were quite clear. Following training, there were reliable improvements in performance on verbal and nonverbal working-memory tasks identical or similar to the trained tasks. However, in terms of far transfer, there was no convincing evidence of improvements, especially when working-memory training was compared to an active-control condition. The meta-analysis also demonstrated that, in the working-memory-training literature, the largest nonverbal-intelligence far-transfer effects are statistically more likely to come from studies with small sample sizes and passive control groups. This finding is not particularly surprising, given other work showing that most working-memory training studies are dramatically underpowered (Bogg & Lasecki, 2015) and that underpowered studies with small sample sizes are more likely to produce inflated effect sizes (Button et al., 2013). In addition, small samples are predominantly the reason irregular pretest-posttest patterns have been observed in the control groups in various working-memory and video-game intervention studies (for review, see Redick, 2015; Redick & Webster, 2014). In these studies, inferential statistics and effect-size metrics provide evidence that the training “worked,” but investigation of the descriptive statistics tells a different story. Specifically, a number of studies with children and young adult samples have examined intelligence or other academic achievement outcomes before and after training. 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引用次数: 28
摘要
正如目标文章中令人信服地证明的那样(Simons et al., 2016,本期),尽管在过去15年中已经测试和吹捧了多种形式的大脑训练,但几乎没有证据表明,目前现有的程序在认知任务的表现上产生了持久的、有意义的变化,这些变化与训练任务不同。正如Simons等人所详述的那样,许多方法上的问题使许多声称成功远程迁移的研究的解释变得模糊不清。这些限制包括小样本量、被动对照组、单一结果测试、非盲的信息提供者和自我报告功能测量,以及假设不一致的显著影响。(然而,请注意,对于老年人,干预的成功结果可能是防止训练组的下降,这样他们就保持在测试前的水平,而对照组则下降。)这些问题与发表偏倚、选择性报告重要和不重要的结果、使用不合理的单尾t检验以及未能明确注明出版物之间的共享数据相关的问题是分开的。因此,考虑到文献中包含这种潜在的假阳性出版物(Simmons, Nelson, & Simonsohn, 2011),一些描述性评论(Chacko et al., 2013)可能会让许多人感到惊讶和沮丧。Salthouse, 2006;Simons et al., 2016)和荟萃分析(melby - lerv, Redick, & Hulme, 2016;Rapport, Orban, Kofler, & Friedman, 2013)得出的结论是,尽管现有的认知训练方法很受欢迎,市场份额也越来越大,但它们相对无效。例如,最近的一项工作记忆训练元分析(melby - lerv等人,2016)评估了87项研究,这些研究考察了向工作记忆、智力和各种教育相关结果(如阅读理解、数学、单词解码)的转移。这些研究在样本组成(年龄;典型与非典型功能)和工作记忆训练的性质(言语,非言语,或言语和非言语刺激;N-back vs. span任务方法;训练课程少vs.多)。尽管培训的设计和管理各不相同,但结果是相当明确的。训练后,在与训练任务相同或相似的言语和非言语工作记忆任务上,表现都有可靠的改善。然而,在远距离转移方面,没有令人信服的证据表明有改善,特别是当工作记忆训练与主动控制条件相比时。荟萃分析还表明,在工作记忆训练的文献中,从统计数据来看,最大的非语言智力远迁移效应更有可能来自小样本和被动对照组的研究。这一发现并不特别令人惊讶,因为其他研究表明,大多数工作记忆训练研究都严重不足(Bogg & Lasecki, 2015),而且小样本量的不足研究更有可能产生夸大的效应(Button et al., 2013)。此外,在各种工作记忆和电子游戏干预研究中,在对照组中观察到不规则的前测后测模式,主要是小样本的原因(回顾,见Redick, 2015;雷迪克和韦伯斯特,2014)。在这些研究中,推论统计和效应大小指标提供了训练“有效”的证据,但描述性统计的调查却讲述了一个不同的故事。具体来说,一些以儿童和年轻人为样本的研究检查了训练前后的智力或其他学业成就。仔细观察发现,训练相对于对照组“提高”了智力或学业成绩,因为对照组从前测到后测有所下降,即训练组从前测到后测没有显著变化。mcabe等。大脑训练悲观主义研究[j] . 2016
Brain-Training Pessimism, but Applied-Memory Optimism
As is convincingly demonstrated in the target article (Simons et al., 2016, this issue), despite the numerous forms of brain training that have been tested and touted in the past 15 years, there’s little to no evidence that currently existing programs produce lasting, meaningful change in the performance of cognitive tasks that differ from the trained tasks. As detailed by Simons et al., numerous methodological issues cloud the interpretation of many studies claiming successful far transfer. These limitations include small sample sizes, passive control groups, single tests of outcomes, unblinded informantand self-report measures of functioning, and hypothesisinconsistent significant effects. (However, note that, with older adults, a successful result of the intervention could be to prevent decline in the training group, such that they stay at their pretest level while the control group declines.) These issues are separate from problems related to publication bias, selective reporting of significant and nonsignificant outcomes, use of unjustified one-tailed t tests, and failure to explicitly note shared data across publications. So, considering that the literature contains such potential false-positive publications (Simmons, Nelson, & Simonsohn, 2011), it may be surprising and disheartening to many that some descriptive reviews (Chacko et al., 2013; Salthouse, 2006; Simons et al., 2016) and meta-analyses (Melby-Lervåg, Redick, & Hulme, 2016; Rapport, Orban, Kofler, & Friedman, 2013) have concluded that existing cognitive-training methods are relatively ineffective, despite their popularity and increasing market share. For example, a recent working-memory-training metaanalysis (Melby-Lervåg et al., 2016) evaluated 87 studies examining transfer to working memory, intelligence, and various educationally relevant outcomes (e.g., reading comprehension, math, word decoding). The studies varied considerably in terms of the sample composition (age; typical vs. atypical functioning) and the nature of the working-memory training (verbal, nonverbal, or both verbal and nonverbal stimuli; n-back vs. span task methodology; few vs. many training sessions). Despite the diversity in the design and administration of the training, the results were quite clear. Following training, there were reliable improvements in performance on verbal and nonverbal working-memory tasks identical or similar to the trained tasks. However, in terms of far transfer, there was no convincing evidence of improvements, especially when working-memory training was compared to an active-control condition. The meta-analysis also demonstrated that, in the working-memory-training literature, the largest nonverbal-intelligence far-transfer effects are statistically more likely to come from studies with small sample sizes and passive control groups. This finding is not particularly surprising, given other work showing that most working-memory training studies are dramatically underpowered (Bogg & Lasecki, 2015) and that underpowered studies with small sample sizes are more likely to produce inflated effect sizes (Button et al., 2013). In addition, small samples are predominantly the reason irregular pretest-posttest patterns have been observed in the control groups in various working-memory and video-game intervention studies (for review, see Redick, 2015; Redick & Webster, 2014). In these studies, inferential statistics and effect-size metrics provide evidence that the training “worked,” but investigation of the descriptive statistics tells a different story. Specifically, a number of studies with children and young adult samples have examined intelligence or other academic achievement outcomes before and after training. Closer inspection indicates that training “improved” intelligence or academic achievement relative to the control condition because the control group declined from pretest to posttest—that is, the training group did not significantly change from pretest to posttest. 664716 PSIXXX10.1177/1529100616664716McCabe et al.Brain-Training Pessimism research-article2016
期刊介绍:
Psychological Science in the Public Interest (PSPI) is a distinctive journal that provides in-depth and compelling reviews on issues directly relevant to the general public. Authored by expert teams with diverse perspectives, these reviews aim to evaluate the current state-of-the-science on various topics. PSPI reports have addressed issues such as questioning the validity of the Rorschach and other projective tests, examining strategies to maintain cognitive sharpness in aging brains, and highlighting concerns within the field of clinical psychology. Notably, PSPI reports are frequently featured in Scientific American Mind and covered by various major media outlets.