杀死还是捕获:反恐战争和奥巴马总统任期的灵魂

Q3 Arts and Humanities
W. Terrill
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引用次数: 32

摘要

《击毙还是抓获:反恐战争与奥巴马总统任期的灵魂》丹尼尔·克莱德曼著,纽约:霍顿·米夫林·哈考特出版社,2013年出版,304页,14.95美元。丹尼尔·克莱德曼的《击毙还是抓获》对奥巴马政府在与恐怖主义有关的问题上的政策进行了深入的研究,包括关塔那摩湾的囚犯、严厉的审讯、军事委员会和使用武装无人机打击恐怖分子。根据克莱德曼的说法,奥巴马总统在当选时就已经成为外交政策上的现实主义者,并一再证明自己在恐怖主义问题上“无情地务实”,尽管他有自由主义的本能。本书持续关注的焦点是政府内部的法律和政策分歧,以及这些斗争如何影响了一系列有争议问题的内部辩论。政府内部最重要的两个派系有时被狡猾地称为“坦马尼厅”和“阿斯彭研究所”。坦马尼的现实主义者(如白宫办公厅主任拉姆·伊曼纽尔)经常赢得最重要的辩论,而阿斯彭的理想主义者经常花费比他们希望的更多的时间来护理他们的政治创伤。作者对政府国家安全官员、律师和其他高级官员之间的辩论进行了广泛而有时令人痛苦的详细描述。根据克莱德曼的说法,“在奥巴马执政第一年的中途,白宫的恒温器已经转向坦马尼。”拉姆·伊曼纽尔(Rahm Emanuel)被描绘成一个强硬和“交易型”的人,他非常关注任何行动如何有助于总统的议程,而不用担心在政治上代价高昂的自由主义理想。司法部长埃里克·霍尔德(Eric Holder)经常是他的主要陪衬,至少有一次被推到了辞职的边缘。虽然霍尔德是奥巴马最亲密的朋友之一,但总统仍然倾向于在大多数重要问题上站在伊曼纽尔一边,因为他相信实用主义是推动国家前进的必要条件。在任职一年多后,霍尔德最终选择不辞职,因为人们普遍认为他是被坦马尼赶出去的,或者是对政府感到失望,以至于他无法再为政府服务。霍尔德了解形势,仍然是一个忠诚的人。如果总统需要任何额外的推动力来实施强硬的政策,2009年12月25日,阿拉伯半岛基地组织(AQAP)的一名成员在摧毁一架载有289名乘客的美国商用飞机的任务中险些失败,他显然得到了这种推动力。这种行为的后果对国家和政府来说都是灾难性的。此外,由于死亡人数令人震惊,这次袭击可能产生严重的政治压力,要求采取重大报复行动,甚至可能对也门进行某种干预,结果可能非常糟糕。在与高级国家安全官员的会议上,奥巴马总统表示,“我们躲过了一劫,但只是侥幸。如果(袭击)是由勇敢的个人(乘客)避免的,而不是因为系统有效。”五个月后,奥巴马政府再次幸运地发现,“时代广场炸弹袭击者”费萨尔·沙赫扎德(Faisal Shahzad)在制造汽车炸弹时选择了错误的肥料,他的汽车冒烟但没有爆炸,因此被捕。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Kill or Capture: The War on Terror and the Soul of the Obama Presidency
Kill or Capture: The War on Terror and the Soul of the Obama Presidency By Daniel Klaidman New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2013 304 pages $14.95 [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Daniel Klaidman's Kill or Capture provides an in-depth examination of the Obama administration's policies on terrorism-related issues including Guantanamo Bay prisoners, harsh interrogations, military commissions, and the use of armed drones to strike against terrorists. According to Klaidman, President Obama had emerged as a foreign policy realist by the time he was elected and repeatedly proved himself to be "ruthlessly pragmatic" on terrorism issues despite his liberal instincts. An ongoing focus of this book is the legal and policy disagreements within the administration and the ways in which these struggles influenced the internal debate on a range of contentious issues. The two most important factions within the administration were sometimes slyly referred to as "Tammany Hall" and "the Aspen Institute." The bare knuckles realists of Tammany (such as White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel) often won the most important debates, and the Aspen idealists often spent more time than they would have wished nursing their political wounds. The author goes into extensive and sometimes painful detail about the debates among administration national security officials, attorneys, and other senior bureaucrats. According to Klaidman, "By the midway point of Obama's first year in office the White House's thermostat had swung toward Tammany." Rahm Emanuel is portrayed as tough and "transactional," focusing heavily on how any action could help the president's agenda without worrying about liberal ideals that were politically costly. Attorney General Eric Holder was often his chief foil and at least on one occasion was pushed to the brink of resignation. While Holder is one of Obama's closest friends, the president still tended to side with Emanuel on most important arguments in the belief that pragmatism was necessary to move the country forward. After over a year in office, Holder ultimately chose not to resign because it would have been widely assumed that he had been driven out by Tammany or become disillusioned with the administration to the point that he could no longer serve it. Holder understood the situation and remained a loyalist. If the president needed any additional push to implement tough-minded policies, he clearly received it when on 25 December 2009 a member of the terrorist group al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) barely failed in his mission to destroy a commercial US aircraft with 289 passengers. The consequences of such an action would have been catastrophic for both the country and the administration. In addition, due to an appalling death toll, the attack could have produced serious political pressure to do something dramatic in retaliation and perhaps even undertake some sort of intervention in Yemen, which could have gone very badly. In meetings with his senior national security officials, President Obama stated, "We dodged a bullet, but just barely. It [the attack] was averted by brave individuals [passengers], not because the system worked." Five months later, the Obama administration was lucky again when the "Times Square bomber," Faisal Shahzad, selected the wrong type of fertilizer for use in a car bomb and was arrested after his car smoked but did not explode. …
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