{"title":"编辑器的介绍","authors":"M. Harkin","doi":"10.1080/00938157.2014.937668","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Few disciplines are as self-conscious of their own origins and history as is anthropology. Richard Pace describes how many of us are recruited into becoming historians of anthropology: invitations to write entries or essays for projects such as encyclopedias, Festschrifts, and edited volumes. As a practitioner in a ‘‘classic’’ culture area, the Northwest Coast, I was obliged early on to reckon with the legacy of Franz Boas, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Frederica De Laguna, and other seminal figures, beyond their engagements with Northwest Coast cultures (e.g., Harkin 2009, 2014). Surely one figure responsible more than most for this ‘‘historical turn’’ in anthropology was the great historian George Stocking. I was privileged to have known George for over three decades, receiving advice early on that pushed me in the direction of anthropological history and historical anthropology. George was certainly the first professional historian of the discipline and, as such, was unique. However, it is easy to think that scholarly consideration of the history of anthropology began in 1968 with Race, Culture, and Evolution. It did not. Anthropologists had long been interested in the history of their discipline. I mean ‘‘interested’’ here in both main senses of the term. Anthropologists had a stake in constructing a certain narrative of the field. According to the Boasians, the break with evolutionary anthropology was revolutionary and complete. But this ignores very important subcurrents— such as that of Durkheim interpreted by Radcliffe-Brown, who then brought functionalism into the American heartland via students such as Fred Eggan at the University of Chicago. Much was made of constructing genealogies and claiming ancestors. Thus Leslie White, Marvin Harris, and Eleanor Leacock, among others, sought to rehabilitate Lewis Henry Morgan, claiming him for the materialist-Marxist anthropology developing in the 1950s. Of course, as any anthropologist knows, genealogy is always a construct. At the very least, one has to make choices. Am I Irish or German? A descendant of Boas, Hallowell, or White? Of course, at different times and in different places, different genealogical identities may be stressed. In addition to staking a claim to intellectual ancestors, who may not be as close or obvious as a graduate school mentor (as in Pace’s case), we tend to argue for, or against, the importance of individual anthropologists: what Pace calls ‘‘lobbying.’’ This is undeniable. A Festschrift is considered a standard retirement gift to anthropologists who mentor many Ph.D. students. 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As a practitioner in a ‘‘classic’’ culture area, the Northwest Coast, I was obliged early on to reckon with the legacy of Franz Boas, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Frederica De Laguna, and other seminal figures, beyond their engagements with Northwest Coast cultures (e.g., Harkin 2009, 2014). Surely one figure responsible more than most for this ‘‘historical turn’’ in anthropology was the great historian George Stocking. I was privileged to have known George for over three decades, receiving advice early on that pushed me in the direction of anthropological history and historical anthropology. George was certainly the first professional historian of the discipline and, as such, was unique. However, it is easy to think that scholarly consideration of the history of anthropology began in 1968 with Race, Culture, and Evolution. It did not. Anthropologists had long been interested in the history of their discipline. I mean ‘‘interested’’ here in both main senses of the term. Anthropologists had a stake in constructing a certain narrative of the field. According to the Boasians, the break with evolutionary anthropology was revolutionary and complete. But this ignores very important subcurrents— such as that of Durkheim interpreted by Radcliffe-Brown, who then brought functionalism into the American heartland via students such as Fred Eggan at the University of Chicago. Much was made of constructing genealogies and claiming ancestors. Thus Leslie White, Marvin Harris, and Eleanor Leacock, among others, sought to rehabilitate Lewis Henry Morgan, claiming him for the materialist-Marxist anthropology developing in the 1950s. Of course, as any anthropologist knows, genealogy is always a construct. At the very least, one has to make choices. Am I Irish or German? A descendant of Boas, Hallowell, or White? Of course, at different times and in different places, different genealogical identities may be stressed. In addition to staking a claim to intellectual ancestors, who may not be as close or obvious as a graduate school mentor (as in Pace’s case), we tend to argue for, or against, the importance of individual anthropologists: what Pace calls ‘‘lobbying.’’ This is undeniable. A Festschrift is considered a standard retirement gift to anthropologists who mentor many Ph.D. students. 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Few disciplines are as self-conscious of their own origins and history as is anthropology. Richard Pace describes how many of us are recruited into becoming historians of anthropology: invitations to write entries or essays for projects such as encyclopedias, Festschrifts, and edited volumes. As a practitioner in a ‘‘classic’’ culture area, the Northwest Coast, I was obliged early on to reckon with the legacy of Franz Boas, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Frederica De Laguna, and other seminal figures, beyond their engagements with Northwest Coast cultures (e.g., Harkin 2009, 2014). Surely one figure responsible more than most for this ‘‘historical turn’’ in anthropology was the great historian George Stocking. I was privileged to have known George for over three decades, receiving advice early on that pushed me in the direction of anthropological history and historical anthropology. George was certainly the first professional historian of the discipline and, as such, was unique. However, it is easy to think that scholarly consideration of the history of anthropology began in 1968 with Race, Culture, and Evolution. It did not. Anthropologists had long been interested in the history of their discipline. I mean ‘‘interested’’ here in both main senses of the term. Anthropologists had a stake in constructing a certain narrative of the field. According to the Boasians, the break with evolutionary anthropology was revolutionary and complete. But this ignores very important subcurrents— such as that of Durkheim interpreted by Radcliffe-Brown, who then brought functionalism into the American heartland via students such as Fred Eggan at the University of Chicago. Much was made of constructing genealogies and claiming ancestors. Thus Leslie White, Marvin Harris, and Eleanor Leacock, among others, sought to rehabilitate Lewis Henry Morgan, claiming him for the materialist-Marxist anthropology developing in the 1950s. Of course, as any anthropologist knows, genealogy is always a construct. At the very least, one has to make choices. Am I Irish or German? A descendant of Boas, Hallowell, or White? Of course, at different times and in different places, different genealogical identities may be stressed. In addition to staking a claim to intellectual ancestors, who may not be as close or obvious as a graduate school mentor (as in Pace’s case), we tend to argue for, or against, the importance of individual anthropologists: what Pace calls ‘‘lobbying.’’ This is undeniable. A Festschrift is considered a standard retirement gift to anthropologists who mentor many Ph.D. students. (I am as guilty of this as Reviews in Anthropology, 43:177–179, 2014 Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0093-8157 print=1556-3014 online DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2014.937668
期刊介绍:
Reviews in Anthropology is the only anthropological journal devoted to lengthy, in-depth review commentary on recently published books. Titles are largely drawn from the professional literature of anthropology, covering the entire range of work inclusive of all sub-disciplines, including biological, cultural, archaeological, and linguistic anthropology; a smaller number of books is selected from related disciplines. Articles evaluate the place of new books in their theoretical and topical literatures, assess their contributions to anthropology as a whole, and appraise the current state of knowledge in the field. The highly diverse subject matter sustains both specialized research and the generalist tradition of holistic anthropology.